|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
127189
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
094384
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines whether reforms have created a substantial commercial sector with market characteristics in China's financial system. Many studies conclude that the operation of China's capital markets lacks market features, resulting in fragmentation. Yet, this lack of integration coincides with rapid and continuous economic growth. We study the dynamic pattern of domestic capital mobility with a unique data set on provincial savings and investment, which allows us to examine components as well as aggregates. After stripping out foreign and officially influenced funds, we find that the behavior of capital flows in what we define as China's commercial sector looks increasingly like that of interstate flows in the US and other advanced nations. Tracking the direction and size of capital flows also highlights the different behavior of commercial and non-commercial funds transfers in China. This result undercuts the widespread view of China's economy as lacking domestic integration.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
120517
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
091027
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
On 6 April 2009, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the government jointly unveiled the main thrust of new plans for reform of the health system in a document entitled Opinions on improving reforms to the health system.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
116347
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
As China's economy continues to expand, its policies and interests change and evolve. Today, Chinese economic and political interests span the globe from Africa to Latin America and the South Pacific. The country has grown more dependent on foreign energy sources in once marginal places such as Angola. Access to resources such as oil and natural gas are now at the forefront of Chinese security policy. While access to markets and regions where massive Chinese investment is occurring is equally important, these new challenges have led to some important changes in China's security and military posture, particularly its naval strategy. While diplomacy and economic power are still the most practical alternatives available to China to defend its interests, several Chinese military and civilian observers now openly discuss other alternatives, such as the eventuality of using military power to defend these interests. This is particularly visible in the People's Liberation Army Navy, where a more ambitious and confident maritime strategy is now being discussed.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
129645
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
While China is fast becoming an important outward direct investor, its companies are showing an increasing interest to locate in Europe and the European Union (EU). It has been suggested that this can partly be explained by the more lenient attitude of the European countries compared to the US, where some acquisitions were abandoned when they ran into political opposition based on security concerns. Yet, also in Europe, the media follow rather closely each new Chinese entry, and certain politicians have started to criticise the take-over of technology-oriented companies, especially by Chinese state-owned firms. Against the background of a very open foreign direct investment (FDI) policy as measured by OECD FDI Restrictiveness Index for the EU and the individual countries, an overview is given of the pre- and post-establishment obstacles to direct foreign investment. Also, the EU policy measures that directly or indirectly deal with incoming direct investment are discussed. Within the context of the EU competition policy and the merger regulation, the EU Commission has cleared five cases of take-over by Chinese state-owned enterprises. Although the Lisbon Treaty authorises the EU Commission to take charge of investment policy as part of the EU commercial policy, it will take time to realise this. If the announced negotiations about an investment treaty between China and the EU could work out the necessary balance, it would be an important step in achieving more reciprocity between their respective investment regimes.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
129642
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in developed economies has increased substantially in recent years, driven by policy liberalization and structural adjustments in China's economy. Efforts to accurately describe the dimensions of this increase are complicated by problems with official statistics and the complexity of deal structures. This article introduces the major problems of capturing data on global cross-border investment flows and elaborates on the particular difficulties of measuring Chinese outward FDI. It identifies alternative datasets that can help to better capture the scope and patterns of the Chinese overseas investment and uses one of them to describe the growth of Chinese investment in the EU and the US since 2000, highlighting similarities and differences in investment patterns in the world's two biggest economies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
129646
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The rapid increase in Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) into Europe raises important questions about the implications of such for workers and organized labor in Europe: (1) does Chinese FDI flow more or less to regulated labor markets than do other investment sources?; (2) what are the strategies of works councilors and union representatives in dealing with real or expected investment from China?; and (3) how do individual workers view the propriety of Chinese FDI given China's low-wage, labor-unfriendly profile in the global economy? Quantitative and qualitative data on Chinese FDI, individual opinions about China and globalization, and on strategies of labor representatives provide some leverage to preliminarily answer these questions. First, Chinese FDI does not seem to be more (or less) focused on investing in the least regulated labor markets than other sources of FDI. Second, interviews with works councilors and union representatives in Germany, France and the Netherlands affirm a cautiously optimistic view of Chinese investors as no more or less threatening to organized labor than other investors. Third, analysis of attitudes about Chinese and European interests in managing globalization suggest that less-skilled, more vulnerable, pro-labor-union workers in Europe tend to be more rather than less enthusiastic about Chinese management than their fellow citizens. These patterns suggest a surprising, if tentative, embrace by workers and their representatives in Europe of that investment.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
129647
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese investment in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is booming. As China's investment pattern has emerged so far, it appears to have little to do with Chinese firms' preferences for liberal policy regimes, tolerance for corruption, or reliance on communist-era networks. This article documents the current size and shape of Chinese firms' efforts to internationalize in this economic space, demonstrating an important difference between Chinese investment behavior in CEE and in the EU-15, namely the region's much more active use of greenfield activity (and lighter use of M&A and strategic alliances). Case studies of each mode (greenfield, M&A, and strategic alliances) reveal little evidence of a "China, Inc." approach and much evidence that Chinese firms are more motivated by market access than by technology or management assistance.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
129644
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the political challenges posed by the recent influx of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) into the European Union (EU), which has become in 2011 the top destination for Chinese investment in the world. The central political question facing European states welcoming the influx of Chinese capital is whether this is a good bargain-a positive-sum game where both investor and investee benefit-or instead a Faustian bargain-a zero-sum game in the long term where capital is accompanied by implicit conditionality affecting European norms and policies, from human rights to labor laws. The novelty of Chinese FDI has the potential to affect politics in Europe in three different venues: inside European countries, between European countries, and between Europe and third countries. This article, whose main goal is to launch a research agenda on the political implications of Chinese FDI, explores in turn its potential impact on foreign and domestic policy, institutional process within the EU, and transatlantic relations
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
095140
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|