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| 1 |
ID:
142887
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| Summary/Abstract |
The liberal international economic system established after the Second World War is currently in difficulty. Large fluctuations in exchange rates have led to calls for a “new Bretton Woods”. Protectionism has increased sharply on both sides of the Atlantic; the European Community, once a force for liberalization, now takes a leading role in imposing restrictions on trade. European and American discussions of the world economy are characterized less by thoughtful consideration of how joint action could relieve the current economic recession and reduce dangers of collapse, than by quarrelling over such issues as subsidies on pasta, alleged dumping of steel, and subsidized credit terms to the Soviet Union.
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| 2 |
ID:
128681
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
in the final article of his series, the author reflects on the results of his research and concludes that the fundamental cause of the seeming shrinkage in the size of the Royal Navy in not so much the reductions in the defence budget, nor even directly the cost of individual ships, but rather a shift, whether or not international and justified, in the strategic priority, accorded to the navy. If he is correct, than the solution must also lie in the realm of real strategic thought rather than in the 'tweaking' of budgets.
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| 3 |
ID:
093746
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
MANY PROMINENT political and academic figures have announced the end of financial globalization as it was before the crisis. The philosophy of globalism itself based on the rapacious use of the planet's resources and complete disregard for the interests and the future of those not included among the "gold billion" has taken a severe blow. The saying goes that nature abhors a vacuum, thus a new paradigm of development of civilization is supposed to come along and replace the failed theory of mono-centric global management of the world.
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| 4 |
ID:
091039
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Democratic ProgressiveParty is rebuilding its support among Taiwan's voters after severe defeats in Taiwan's 2008 Legislative Yuan and presidential elections. The process began earlier this year with grassroots efforts such as rallies, a referendum drive, volunteerism and typhoon relief. The party is now developing new policies to attract independent, middle-class and working-class people hit hardest by the economic recession. The first results emerged on Sept. 26, when voters elected the DPP's Liu Chien-kuo to the Legislative Yuan from Yunlin County and defeated a Kuomintang-backed referendum on casinos in Penghu County.
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| 5 |
ID:
144518
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates earnings management during the recession and recovery periods (2008 and 2013) for S&P 500 companies. Using the modified Jones model, the results suggest that these companies managed their earnings in both periods, but they managed their earnings much more in the recession period, which may be attributed to the desire to avoid or mitigate the negative consequences of experiencing deep losses. The results also raise questions about the reliability of the companies’ financial statements. The findings of this research are useful to the Securities and Exchange Commission and auditors, and they imply that more careful scrutinisation of companies’ financial statements is needed to better inform investors and creditors relying on these statements.
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| 6 |
ID:
129207
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If we are to believe the international media, this is going to be the year of the "far right anti-European populists." In the first three days of 2014, The New York Times published two opinion essays warning of the far right's rise, while The Economist focused its first issue of the year on "Europe's Tea Parties." Before this came months of public warnings of a "European populist backlash" issued by prominent European Union politicians, including the presidents of the EU, the European Commission, and the European Parliament (EP), and by national politicians, such as Italian Prime Minister Enrico Letta and Dutch Deputy Prime Minister Lodewijk Asscher. While the warnings have employed different terms and point to somewhat different groups
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| 7 |
ID:
102693
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A PROMINENT British government minister, Baroness Warsi, herself a Muslim, claimed just recently that Islamophobia has "passed the dinner-table test" in Britain and is seen by many as normal and uncontroversial. She warned of growing intolerance, prejudice and bigotry toward the Muslim faith and its adherents. In reply, some religious and social commentators have suggested that growing numbers of Muslims in Britain give rise to legitimate concerns. They have asked whether strict adherence to the Islamic faith is compatible with the values of Western democracies.
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| 8 |
ID:
103469
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates the impact of the economic recession on CO2 emissions in the European power sector, during the years 2008 and 2009. Three main determinants of the power sector's emissions are identified: the demand for electricity, the CO2 price, and fuel prices. A counterfactual scenario has been set up for each of these, i.e., what these parameters would have been if not affected by the recession. A simulation model of the European power sector is then employed, comparing a historical reference simulation (taking the parameters as actually occurred) with the counterfactual scenarios. The lower electricity demand (due to the recession) is shown to have by far the largest impact, accounting for an emission reduction of about 175 Mton. The lower CO2 price (due to the recession) resulted in an increase in emissions by about 30 Mton. The impact of fuel prices is more difficult to retrieve; an indicative reduction of about 17 Mton is obtained, mainly as a consequence of the low gas prices in 2009. The simulated combined impact of the parameters results in an emission reduction of about 150 Mton in the European power sector over the years 2008 and 2009 as a consequence of the recession.
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| 9 |
ID:
129107
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel spoke about U.S. nuclear forces at F.E. Warren Air Force Base in early January, he emphasized two key points. First, he declared that the United States was "going to invest in the modernization we need to invest in to keep that deterrent stronger than it's ever been." He then added that "we're going to continue to require every element of our nuclear deterrent in the triad."[1] His audience at the Wyoming base might have heard a welcome, if unexceptional, commitment to the future of the U.S. nuclear deterrent, but there could have been more to the secretary's comments. In this period of fiscal constraints and declining defense budgets, many in in the wider policy community are voicing doubts about the ability of the United not only to maintain all three legs of the nuclear triad, but also to replace each leg with new missiles, bombers, and submarines. Although the current debate over the future composition of the U.S. nuclear arsenal often is framed in fiscal terms, it is more about the future need for and role of nuclear weapons than it is about how much money the U.S. government is going to spend on them. Critics of the current plans to modernize the U.S. nuclear force structure argue that the investments are excessive because nuclear weapons are less relevant to U.S. national security in the 21st century than they were in the past. Supporters argue that this investment is necessary because nuclear weapons continue to play a critical role in U.S. national security. Regardless, if defense budgets continue to decline in the coming decades, the country may face difficult and possibly illogical trade-offs as it pays for the rising cost of nuclear modernization. The United States deploys strategic nuclear warheads on three types of delivery vehicles: long-range, land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), long-range submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and long-range heavy bombers based in the United States. Each of the delivery systems in the U.S. nuclear force is aging, and all could reach the end of their service lives in the next 30 years. The warheads that these systems would deliver also are more than 25 years old and contain aging components that may raise questions about their reliability in the future
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| 10 |
ID:
128990
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the role of Poland in the European Union, where the traditional Franco-German leadership axis has been replaced by a new 'variable geometry' of leadership constellations across a variety of policy areas. In this setting Poland has the potential to move from maintaining an initially passive role as a policy-taker towards becoming an agenda-setter alongside other larger and more traditionally dominant member states, especially Germany. However, Poland's success in this matter and subsequent influence on a variety of European Union policy areas, particularly the single market and the European Union's external relations, will substantially depend on the extent of its economic recovery from the effects of the global economic recession and wider developments in the European Union's debt crisis as well as its willingness to engage in constellations of member states that go beyond its traditional partners.
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| 11 |
ID:
098239
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| 12 |
ID:
185509
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| Summary/Abstract |
The outbreak of COVID-19 has shifted from an urgent health issue to a major security threat requiring emergency measures that go beyond normal policies. Many African governments have exploited this pandemic as a deadly threat facing both the state and society to justify unprecedented precautionary measures that restrict people’s freedoms. Thus, the aim of this study was to analyse the current trend of the interventionist state and its socio-political implications in the medium and long term. Using a qualitative approach and literature review, this study examined the impact of securitisation of COVID-19 on African societies. The key findings reveal that most of the African responses to the pandemic were cases of non-traditional securitisation issues. Therefore, such findings are relevant for further studies to explore new threats and risks in the context of securitisation.
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| 13 |
ID:
190032
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the presidential and local levels, progressives were replaced by conservatives in 2022. But the National Assembly is still dominated by the opposition Democratic Party, so the government is more divided than ever. As a conservative government came into power in South Korea, North Korea fired the most missiles ever, and inter-Korean relations were very strained. The economy is in serious condition due to inflation, interest rate hikes, and slowing growth.
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| 14 |
ID:
128268
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Prior to 2008, numerous international relations scholars had predicted a looming crisis in global economic governance. Policy analysts have only reinforced this perception since the financial crisis, declaring that we live in a "G-Zero" world. This article takes a closer look at the global response to the financial crisis and reveals a more optimistic picture. Despite initial shocks that were more severe than the 1929 financial crisis, global economic governance structures responded quickly and robustly. Whether one measures results by outcomes, outputs, or process, formal and informal governance structures displayed surprising resiliency. Multilateral economic institutions performed well in crisis situations to reinforce open economic policies, especially in contrast to the 1930s. While there are areas where governance has either faltered or failed, on the whole, the system has worked. Misperceptions about global economic governance persist because the Great Recession has disproportionately affected the core economies; analysts have conflated national with global governance; and the efficacy of past periods of global economic governance has been badly overestimated. Why the system has worked better than expected remains an open question, but we can tentatively conclude that both the power of the United States and the resilience of neoliberal economic ideas were underestimated.
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| 15 |
ID:
130454
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Less than a decade ago, the future of American energy looked bleak. Domestic production of both oil and gas was dwindling, and big U.S. energy companies, believing their fortunes lay offshore, had long since turned away from the mainland. But then something remarkable occurred: a surge of innovation allowed companies to extract vast quantities of natural gas trapped in once-inaccessible deposits of shale. The resulting abundance drove down U.S. gas prices to about one-third of the global average.
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