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| 1 |
ID:
095049
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| 2 |
ID:
096219
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There often exists a problematic gap between more theoretical works on war-to-peace transitions, and the practical challenges that peacebuilding operations face in the field. This article describes the use of classroom simulation to highlight the complexity of contemporary multilateral peace operations. It describes the content and mechanics of the simulation, the issues that can arise in its operation, and strategies for most effectively integrating such a simulation into overall course objectives.
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| 3 |
ID:
098936
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| 4 |
ID:
097208
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The New Zealand electricity generation system is dominated by hydro generation at approximately 60% of installed capacity between 2005 and 2007, augmented with approximately 32% fossil-fuelled generation, plus minor contributions from geothermal, wind and biomass resources. In order to explore the potential for a 100% renewable electricity generation system with substantially increased levels of wind penetration, fossil-fuelled electricity production was removed from an historic 3-year data set, and replaced by modelled electricity production from wind, geothermal and additional peaking options. Generation mixes comprising 53-60% hydro, 22-25% wind, 12-14% geothermal, 1% biomass and 0-12% additional peaking generation were found to be feasible on an energy and power basis, whilst maintaining net hydro storage. Wind capacity credits ranged from 47% to 105% depending upon the incorporation of demand management, and the manner of operation of the hydro system. Wind spillage was minimised, however, a degree of residual spillage was considered to be an inevitable part of incorporating non-dispatchable generation into a stand-alone grid system. Load shifting was shown to have considerable advantages over installation of new peaking plant. Application of the approach applied in this research to countries with different energy resource mixes is discussed, and options for further research are outlined.
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| 5 |
ID:
100027
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Two recent studies, Johan Elverskog's Our Great Qing (2006) and David Sneath's The Headless State (2007), have made bold and fascinating contributions to overcoming the lingering legacy of representing and framing the pre-modern Inner Asian social and political order in terms of evolutionist, nationalist or nation-statist logics. Joining the cause and building on these works, yet critically examining them, this article argues that the late sixteenth and early seventeenth-century Mongolian political order was akin to that of the Holy Roman Empire and the 1640 Great Code was an Inner Asian parallel to the Treaty of Westphalia.
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| 6 |
ID:
095206
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 18th International Academic Conference "China, Chinese Civilization and the World: History, the Present, Prospects" was held in Moscow at the RAS Presidium and the Institute for Far Eastern Studies. It was timed to two major historical events: the 60th anniversary of the formation of the PRC and the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the U.S.S.R./RF and the PRC.
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| 7 |
ID:
101598
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty ending World War II in the Pacific does not include any language regarding sovereignty over Dokdo, the islets situated in the East Sea/Sea of Japan between Korea and Japan. Earlier drafts had addressed this issue, but language on Dokdo was omitted because of the urgency of completing the Peace Treaty and the outbreak of the Korean War. Earlier documents issued by the Allied Powers had separated Dokdo from Japan's main islands, Korea has strong historical evidence to support its claim to the islets and it has exercised effective occupation over them since the early 1950s. Japan agreed to a Normalization Treaty with Korea in 1965 without insisting on any language referring to Dokdo. Although Japan continues to protest Korea's occupation of Dokdo, its claim is not strengthened by absence of any reference to these islets in the text of the San Francisco Peace Treaty.
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| 8 |
ID:
095774
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| 9 |
ID:
100190
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE WINNER in the Great Patriotic War is a unique phenomenon. It is the psychology of those people who lived through its initial period with its crushing defeats and retreats and the no less difficult subsequent stages with their unprecedented large-scale battles, when it was still not totally clear who would be the winner. But now there was no longer any doubt: our Victory was close at hand. And the feeling of being a winner, on the eve, during, and immediately after the Victory, indeed created a special psychological state in the people who had endured all the trials and tribulations and destroyed a strong, ruthless and lethal enemy.
It stands to reason that the entire war was a test of the spiritual and moral fiber of the Soviet soldier in conditions of constant risk, in situations that required immense exertion of every human strength, and often also self-sacrifice. Each period of the Great Patriotic War, with its particular moral and psychological dominant, determined the changes in the spiritual makeup of the frontline soldiers and in an individual's attitude to different areas of reality and life's values. But the feeling that Victory was near was particularly inherent in the final stage of the war, which in itself aroused an entire set of thoughts and feelings and a complex psychological state.
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| 10 |
ID:
095018
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2010.
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For both objective and subjective reasons, the European Union devoted unprecedented attention to the problem of corruption in Bulgaria and Romania. The European Union (EU) faced a complex challenge in wielding its arsenal of carrots and sticks to encourage reform in the two countries. Conditionality was further complicated by rivalries between Sofia and Bucharest. Despite its limits, EU pressure presented a rare opportunity to depoliticise anti-corruption policy. After accession, Romania regressed from its previous achievements against corruption, and Bulgaria remained reluctant to prosecute senior officials or confront organised crime. Nevertheless, the European Commission continued its monitoring activities, and its ability to freeze funds maintained a modicum of pressure for reform. More effective anti-corruption efforts are possible if a domestic constituency for reform gains sufficient momentum to replace the EU's waning influence.
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| 11 |
ID:
096823
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2010.
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In the aftermath of the 8 March elections, Sarawak was cast as an outlier, recalcitrant even, to the perceived 'revolt' against the incumbent Barisan Nasional. This short note attempts to show that Sarawak actually fell within the overall voting pattern viewed in its total range, rather than in summary outcomes. In that context, the note then attempts to argue that the voting patterns can be accounted for by local reasons, hopes and fears, particularly in the case of the minority indigenous groups collectively categorised as 'Other bumiputera'. However, Chinese and Malay constituencies exhibited a pattern clearly correlated to ethnicity.
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| 12 |
ID:
100726
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the twentieth century Japan embarked on an economic developmental path that came to be known as the Flying Geese Model. The geopolitical milieu after the Second World War provided Japan with favourable conditions for rapid economic growth and industrialization. By the 1950s, many had noticed the success of the model and it was subsequently adopted by other East Asian countries. They too enjoyed decades of remarkable economic growth. An important element of the model is growth driven by export to the USA and Europe. As a result of the 2008 financial crisis, the traditional markets of the geese are shrinking. The new situation poses grave challenges to both the existing flying geese economies and latecomer economies which wish to follow the model. East Asian countries are responding to the situation by broadening and deepening their existing economic linkages and developing new ones. This represents a continuation of East Asian regionalism in the wake of the 1997 financial crisis.
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| 13 |
ID:
098654
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
We argue that "the 2008 Oil Bubble" was directly and indirectly created by the Federal Reserve in response to deflationary risks that resurfaced after the housing bubble burst and the resulting credit crisis of 2008. Deflationary risks first appeared after the dot.com bubble burst in 2000 and after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Manipulation of the US dollar value has been one of the key emergency tools in the Fed's arsenal. During the entire period from 2000 to 2008, the US dollar has been falling, while the price of crude oil has been rising, with the culmination in July 2008. If other global central banks embrace the Fed's anti-deflationary strategies, the consequences could be dire for the global economy, potentially resulting in an ultimate gold bubble.
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| 14 |
ID:
100604
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2010.
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THE UN CLIMATE CHANGE CONFERENCE in Copenhagen on 7-19 December came close to collapse and ended in "taking note of" an extremely contradictory document passed in the dying hours of the conference the Copenhagen Accord whose future remains uncertain. The climate forum in Copenhagen demonstrated yet again that we are still at the very start of a long and thorny path toward developing a universal, comprehensive, fair and efficient strategy of the world community for combating climate change.
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| 15 |
ID:
096583
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran's June 2009 elections set into motion four processes that are central to the operations of the Islamic Republic regime. They include: the growing gap between large sections of Iranian society from the Islamic Republican state; the steady militarization of the political system; the unprecedented degree to which the Supreme Leader has become an active partisan in the increasingly bitter political infighting among regime insiders, and-most significantly-the violent disruption of an emerging set of "rules of the game," that previously served as a safety check against excessive factional infighting. This last consequence of the election and its aftermath is likely to leave its most enduring imprint on the State. Specifically, the elections have taken Iran from manageable factionalism to the brink of complete political paralysis. As such, given the untenability of the State's present predicament, far-reaching changes are almost certain to come.
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| 16 |
ID:
093895
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israel's general elections in 2009 yielded three major outcomes: 1) the replacement of the bi-polar system that characterized Israeli electoral politics between 1977 and 2003 in which most parties are aligned to one of the two principal parties by a more flexible multi-party system. 2) The nearly total collapse of the Labor party and the Zionist left; for the first time since the 1920s, the Labor party was no longer a major political player, and 3). Kadima's electoral relative success, despite scandals haunting it since 2006. Kadima has basically superseded Labor without necessarily adopting its ideology. We argue (contrary to Henry Kissinger's quip that Israel never had a foreign policy but only a domestic policy) that primarily external factors and processes - chiefly the failure of the Oslo process in the 1990s - yielded these three outcomes.
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| 17 |
ID:
094124
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| 18 |
ID:
098799
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The eighth Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty ended on 28 May with a consensus final document. A further deepening of the non-proliferation regime's crisis was thus avoided. The more cooperative policy of the Obama administration was one of the main reasons for this partial success which was assisted by the pragmatic negotiation posture of some moderate non-aligned states. However, the result is a compromise at the level of the lowest common denominator: the parties did not agree on bold steps towards nuclear disarmament, nor did they strengthen the toolbox for non-proliferation. In the end, the most outstanding result was the plan for a conference on ways and means to foster a Middle East nuclear weapon-free zone.
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| 19 |
ID:
102418
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.
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| Description |
vi, 295p.
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| Standard Number |
9780195377170, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055869 | 601.12/SAN 055869 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
099206
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The imperative to pursue energy efficiency improvements is clearly on the political agenda at all levels of governments. This paper explores the lessons from past attempts at galvanising international efforts to expand energy efficiency activities through the use of international-level recommendations. Drawing on these lessons, the paper outlines the IEA response to the call for policy advice on energy efficiency through the G8 Gleneagles Plan of Action. Specifically, the paper outlines a 'necessary conditions' framework that was used to develop a set of energy efficiency policy priorities and describes the subsequent recommendations presented to the G8 in Hokkaido-Toyako Summit in 2008. The recommendations cover 25 fields of action in seven priority areas: buildings, appliances, lighting, transport, industry, energy utilities and cross-sectoral issues. Together, the suite of recommendations sets out an ambitious road map for global energy efficiency improvement. If implemented globally without delay, they could save around 8.2 GtCO2/yr or 96 EJ/yr by 2030. This is equivalent to roughly twice the current total EU energy-related CO2 emissions.
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