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| 1 |
ID:
090779
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In many ways the scholarly study of Canadian foreign policy has become a rich, robust, and rapidly growing field. It is now well over a century old, if one dates its inauguration from the publication of Goldwin Smith's Canada and the Canadian Question in 1891, a book that understood that Canada's relationship with the United States was properly part of, or even at the centre of the field.
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| 2 |
ID:
090673
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The analysis here examines the major factors leading to a change in Germany's approach towards the alliance. It proceeds in three broad steps. First, evidence for a shift in German NATO policy is provided. Second, the most important external and domestic factors affecting German behaviour in NATO are identified. In the final section, some predictions for future German NATO policy are made, as well as some implications for the alliance as a whole.
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| 3 |
ID:
090749
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| Publication |
2009.
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This article evaluates different theoretical frameworks for understanding both the nature of the NATO alliance and evolution of NATO-Russia relations since the end of Cold War. It argues that the evolution of relations between the alliance and Moscow is best accounted for by the realist analytical perspective, while liberal and social-constructive perspectives fail to capture the most important aspects of alliance.
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| 4 |
ID:
090668
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Security meant holding the Soviet Union militarily and politically at bay so that behind the shield afforded by American power, western Europe, with West Germany firmly entrenched in a liberaldemocraticmarket-economic community, could recover, flourish, and never threaten anyone again. And so NATO did all three things, making it one of the most successful alliances in history. Canadian diplomats and politicians who heard Ismay's formulation no doubt agreed with it. Canada had a fundamental interest in European security. During the 20th century, Canada saw as vital to its interests the prevention of any single power from dominating Europe-first Germany, against which Canada went to war twice, and then the Soviet Union. Today, Canada has a fundamental interest in defeating Islamist terror. To this end, Canada is playing a leading role in NATO's efforts in Afghanistan.
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| 5 |
ID:
090780
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article depicts that Canada did not simply offer troops in a fainthearted or half-hearted gesture to NATO, but effectively employed its resources to play an important part in the diplomacy that led to United Nations security council resolution 1244, in the maintenance of allied unity, and in operation Allied Force.
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| 6 |
ID:
090762
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article's goal is to cast a net wider to consider how the private security industry may affect with Canadian forces position as Canada's official organisation charged with the responsibility to employ violence when needed overseas. The article's objective is to examine how Canada presently relies upon private security companies and why this reliance has come about.
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| 7 |
ID:
090770
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Participation in the contact group serviced Canada's foreign policy interests in Africa. Ministers and bureaucrats believed that Canada's developing relations with black Africa were becoming more important than the traditional link to South Africa. The government hoped to maintain Canada's positive reputation among Africans by working on problems of cocern to positive reputation among Africans by working on problems of concern to them, such as South Africa's control of Namibia and apartheid.
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| 8 |
ID:
090758
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Liberal international agenda promoted by the European Union is in crisis. At a time when America is rediscovering the merits of multilateralism, engagement, and diplomacy, Europe is slowly acknowledging that its ethical and moral foreign policies have reached their limits. This article will review these issues with a special emphasis on military developments, and in particular, the European security and defence policy (ESDP) side of current EU external actions.
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| 9 |
ID:
090670
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article challenges this accepted wisdom. Instead, it argues that Canadian burden-sharing in NATO in the 1990s was consistent with its relative capabilities to contribute to the alliance. Speacifically, it argues that Canada was not the laggard of the transatlantic alliance. In some instances, Canada even overperformed in comparision with its NATO allies and made more resource available than it was given credit for. In that sense, this article provides a revisionist analysis of Canada's performance in NATO and a more nuanced picture of Canada's role in the world in the 1990s.
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| 10 |
ID:
090672
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The analysis focuses on how the nuclear powers of the west were able to prevent the spread of nuclear weapon possession among their allies within the wider framing of the east-west conflict and by multilateralizing the issue or the eventual solution through NATO. Although the article looks into history, away from the grey of today's nonproliferation problems into the clear-cut past of the east-west conflict with its disputed definition of friends and foes, some of its findings also point to current problems bedevilling NATO policies in this field.
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| 11 |
ID:
090755
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The case for expanding NATO's membership is one that builds on the idea that, since 9/11, NATO has evolved into a global alliance. No longer concerned solely with European security, NATO is now an alliance with an increasingly global reach, evidence of which can be seen in its operation in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Darfur and its role in providing humanitarian assistance in the aftermath of hurricane Katrina in the US and the Pakistani earthquake.
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| 12 |
ID:
090767
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Like the financial crisis, the severity of the food crisis caught gobernments around the world by surprise. This confusion and unpreparedness was vividly reflected by the former leader of the world's richest and most powerful nation, US President George W. Bush, whose initial reaction was to blame developing countries implicitly for the crisis by noting that when poor countries like India and China prosper, they start demanding better nutrition and better food and when demand is high, that causes the pricess to go up.
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| 13 |
ID:
090778
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When diplomatic, political, and/or economic sanctions are under consideration as an alternative or prequel to the use of force, there is now a wealth of experience to draw on. In the second half of the 20th century, continuing into the 21st, unilateral, regional and, in the post-Cold War period, United Nations sanctions have been extensively used. Indeed, the 1990s have been described as "the sanctions decade."
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