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ID:
091336
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the history of the Druze people is connected with the emergence of the religion (dawa) in twelfth century Fatimid Egypt, and recent research indicates a large admixture of genetic stock of South Asian origin, modern Lebanon remains, if not the homeland of the Druze, then a long-established Heimat of sorts.
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| 2 |
ID:
091338
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Early on the morning of 17 May 1983, representatives of Lebanon, Israel and the United States gathered for a ceremony in the hamlet of Khalde, several kilometres south of Beirut. The ceremony marked the signing of an Israeli-Lebanese peace agreement intended to end Israel's then one-year-old war in Lebanon.
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| 3 |
ID:
091293
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay considers the evolution of Israeli-Lebanese relations since the creation of the Jewish state in Palestine in 1948. It argues that the two countries relations, which remained quiet until 1966, began to hear up after the 1967 six day war.
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| 4 |
ID:
091334
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nevertheless, close relations developed between individuals in the Jewish Agency for Palestine and prominent members of one extremist Francophile Maronite faction, which viewed Lebanon as Christian, separate from the Muslim Arab world, and superior to it. Their vision of an implacable Muslim menace to Christian privilege in Lebanon led them to see the Palestinian Jews as natural allies. Although 'my enemy's enemy is my friend' may have initially drawn the two groups together, Maronites worked hard to sell their Zionist interlocutors on the vision of a shared religious tradition, a rekindled biblical partnership between the Hebrews and the Phoenicians, from whom some Maronites claim descent, and a joint appreciation for European culture.
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| 5 |
ID:
091335
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Lebanon's dramatic change of direction occurred, few doubted that its success depended, to a large extent, if not mainly, upon the support given by the US and France. However, Israel's voice was not absent among those welcoming Syria's departure from Lebanon. In fact, long before the murder of Rafik al-Hariri in February 2005, the Israeli Government had joined the efforts to weaken Syria's hold over the land of the Cedars The adoption of this new Israeli policy, which aimed to achieve the removal of the Syrian presence from Lebanon, marked a significant change in direction for Israel. Previously, for a very long period of time, Israel had tended to view Syria's political and military presence in Lebanon as a stabilizing factor, which would bring quiet to the Israeli-Lebanese border.
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| 6 |
ID:
091337
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israel's massive military response was a clear departure from the law enforcement duties of an occupying power. Lawyers were now needed to provide legal protection for a military engaged in armed conflict with terrorists under occupation. This was neither war nor a policing operation and, according to Reisner, the IDL saw it as 'something in between', hence the novel formulation of an 'armed conflict short of war'. Nevertheless, offering legal advice on the proper legal construction of the conflict is very different from involvement in operational decision making.
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| 7 |
ID:
091294
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| Publication |
2009.
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This article looks at the impact of the 1967 June War upon the Jews of Lebanon and analyses why this war precipitated large-scale Jewish emigration. It argues that there were four key reasons for the Jewish exodus.
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| 8 |
ID:
091296
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On the surface, civil war in Lebanon had the potential to spark another major confrontation between Israel and Syria. Furthermore, it threatended US interestes in the Middle East, as Kissinger's priority was to move Egypt and Israel beyond the Sinai II non-belligerency accords.
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