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| 1 |
ID:
130613
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
"Historians believe that historical essays have nothing to do with the science of history and are actually harmful. Indeed, authors of such essays, whether intentionally or unintentionally, leave traces of themselves and their time. The same is true of editorials and reviews found in today's newspapers." ' The Origins of the Japan-China Territorial Issue, a new book by Mr. Murata Tadayoshi, an honorary professor at Japan' s Yokohama National University is also an example of what the Contemporary Historian, Mr. Chen Yinke, was referring to in the above. It is common knowledge that after Japan's Noda cabinet adopted its "nationalization" policy over the Diaoyu Islands on September ll, 2012, the Sino-Japan relationship began a downward spiral, while rivalry between non-govemment groups from both nations escalated. The Diaoyu
Islands dispute has become a hot topic for both the media and academia. Among the many works on the topic, Professor Murata's is quite unusual. While tensions remain high between China and Japan, his book carries an impressive argument as shown by work's subtitle-FaZsz?ed Facts in Japanese Government Papers. The cover of the book also features the question--"Are the Diaoyu Islands an inherent part of Japan's territory?"
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| 2 |
ID:
091913
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) suffered a crushing defeat in the August 30th general election to the House of Representatives.This was due to a change in election rules, the decline of LDP's traditional bases of support, and the long-standing internal problems.If the LDP now fails to respond to these changed realities, it will further lose credibility with the Japanese people.
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| 3 |
ID:
138467
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| Summary/Abstract |
The positions of the PRC and ROK governments with respect to Japan's "history issue" are examined. A trend toward greater coordination of these countries' actions to oppose Tokyo is noted, along with growing U.S. dissatisfaction with Japan.
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| 4 |
ID:
133089
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As China accumulates more power, Japan is often overlooked as being capable of affecting China's continued trajectory because of material differences and narratives of Japan being a reactive state. Yet, Beijing's strategic planning cannot ignore Tokyo because Japan has the ability to affect the region's security environment. Feeling its presence and influence becoming relatively smaller, Tokyo has been increasingly proactive in its effort to expand its strategic space and shape the regional environment in ways conducive to its interests. A review of Japan's approach to China since 1972 reveals that it has shifted away from its traditional engagement policy toward first a soft hedge, followed by a harder hedge that continues to this day. Today's mix of partnerships and capabilities enable Japan to complicate China's freedom of action and frustrate its continued rise.
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| 5 |
ID:
128259
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although news accounts cover the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands issue, rarely is historical background given. This article focuses on Taiwanese diplomatic documents dating from after World War Two through the early 1970s, the period before Japan-China diplomatic relations were normalized, to try to clarify the timeline of when the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands became a diplomatic issue.
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| 6 |
ID:
128263
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan should avoid actions China considers provocative. Japanese top leaders should not visit Yasukuni Shrine and should reaffirm Japan's apologies for tragedies caused by their invasions.
China should not use armed pressure in an effort to determine the sovereignty of territories claimed by Japan and should reaffirm its determination to prevent demonstrations against Japanese.
Chinese and Japanese representatives should seek a formula so both sides could with honor back down from confrontations over territorial disputes such as the Senkaku/Diaoyudao Islands, and affirm their determination to resolve these issues peacefully at a later time.
Both sides should select a small number of high level leaders likely to play an important role in their government for many years ahead. These leaders, representing their respective countries, should meet frequently for comprehensive discussions on a broad range of issues to strengthen mutual understanding and cooperation. Japan should select leaders representing major political parties so that whichever political party is in power policies could continue without interruption.
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