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| 1 |
ID:
160712
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| 2 |
ID:
092001
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan has pursued a grand strategy of creating an East Asian maritime order with a special emphasis on situating a U.S.-Japan-China trilateral arrangement, based on cooperative security, at the core of an East Asian maritime regime. The United States and China have slowly adopted some of this Japanese strategy. This article examines the lessons East Asia has learned from several maritime security initiatives - American's Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and its Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI), Japan's ReCAAP, and Southeast Asia's MALSINDO-that were applied to the anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden.
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| 3 |
ID:
146539
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| Summary/Abstract |
Global energy governance institutions pressure China, which has ungoverned domestic energy spaces, to reform and strengthen its capacity for domestic energy governance. Rather than reform, China has attempted to create an alternative global energy order and establish a leadership role using the BRICS framework. However, BRICS exist in the global ungoverned energy space and have not prioritised energy governance. Additionally, BRICS practice shared leadership, undermining potential Chinese leadership. Beijing has subsequently shifted to the “Silk Road Economic Belt,” a vehicle for uncontested Chinese leadership in energy.
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| 4 |
ID:
093858
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia's place in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) is undefined, hovering between Moscow's grandiose visions of its geopolitical role in balance of power strategies, and Russia's near invisibility in the region. Russia's integration into the Asia-Pacific has been dependent on China to give Russia a legitimate political and military presence in the region. Moscow blames mistakes it has made in Asia Pacific integration, 1992-2005, on this China dependence, and expects that post-2006 Russian integration will be different as Moscow diversifies its relations in the region, culminating in Russia hosting the APEC 2012 summit.
There is a human security deficit for the people of the Russian Far East, which Russians believe will be solved by better integration into the APR. This article examines Russian preparations to host APEC 2012, local-level Sino-Russian economic relations, and Russian ambivalence regarding dependence/interdependence with its Chinese neighbor.
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| 5 |
ID:
160718
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Chinese and Russian officials and scholars discursively construct and reconstruct repeatedly the nature and boundaries of Eurasian regional integration in an ongoing process of regional order construction guided by diverging concepts that involve the Eurasian Economic Union, the Silk Road Economic Belt, and the Greater Eurasian Partnership. There is a process of accommodation and adaptation that has led to a slow unfolding of a Eurasian regional order. I draw on the English School to examine Sino-Russian efforts to maintain a Eurasian regional order rather than to slip into an unbridled rivalry for spheres of influence.
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| 6 |
ID:
100348
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although China and the US are starting their fourth decade of energy cooperation, it is only recently that there has been a concerted US effort to create a framework for US-China bilateral energy relations. The past 30 years have witnessed many successful energy projects that have lacked follow through and institutionalization, often becoming 'one-off' exercises that duplicated previous projects. Recent initiatives intend to establish long-term linkages between US and Chinese energy bureaucracies, linking energy efficiency, energy security, and environmental issues. The US is nesting the bilateral relationship in global and Asia-Pacific multilateral energy and environmental regimes, and is also using bilateral agreements as mechanisms to promote domestic energy and environmental reform. This paper will examine US-China relations in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate and the Five-Country Energy Ministerial.
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