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| 1 |
ID:
161328
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although research has examined the Turkish agenda for Africa since 2002, few studies have considered Turkey's uniqueness compared to other extra-regional actors. This study is an attempt to analyze and conceptualize the characteristics, benefits, challenges, and limits of Turkey's policy toward the region. This article argues that the characteristics of the Turkish agenda toward sub-Saharan Africa have made Turkey a non-traditional actor in the region, following a novel paradigm of sustainability development: the Ankara consensus. The effects of this model will continue to shape the decisions, policies, and perceptions of the Turkish political elite vis-à-vis Africa and, by extension, the Global South for the foreseeable future.
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| 2 |
ID:
191036
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE appearance in 2006 of the organization known today as BRICS was met with skepticism by analysts and experts in the West and in the association's member countries themselves. Skeptics pointed out a host of seemingly insurmountable obstacles - the vast geographical distances between some of the member countries, territorial disputes (between China and India), ideological rifts, mutually incompatible political and legal systems, and finally, major cultural differences [12, p. 17]. Nevertheless, over its 17-year history, the group has shown stably increasing mutual economic interaction and has become a pillar of the emerging multipolar world order...
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| 3 |
ID:
178419
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| Summary/Abstract |
Triangular development cooperation (TDC) is an increasingly popular modality in the aid field. It is seen to have both huge potential and limits. As the largest emerging donor, China’s participation in TDC has been put under the spotlight. This article proposes a working definition of TDC focused on the type of resources transferred, and establishes a data set on the projects that China was involved in, from 2005 to 2016. Moreover, it investigates China’s perception of the TDC by analysing its official publications. It finds that (a) China holds an equivocal understanding of the TDC concept; (b) although China has been rhetorically stressing the importance of TDC, few real actions have been taken; (c) China prefers international organisations in TDC instead of traditional donors; and (d) like other actors, most of China’s TDC projects are recorded in non-economic sectors. At the moment, China remains cautious regarding the modality. But considering the growing volume of Chinese aid and its visibility, a more proactive stance on TDC might better serve Chinese interests.
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| 4 |
ID:
159965
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| Summary/Abstract |
Counterinsurgency witnessed a powerful revival in our post-9/11 world. With its focus on the control of territory, populations and seemingly less kinetic hearts and minds campaigns—as well as a good dose of liberal humanitarianism—contemporary counterinsurgency has become the dominant form of the Western military interventionism. While most of the associated debates focus on the potentials and pitfalls of Western counterinsurgency approaches, the role of South-South cooperation in the making of ‘Global Counterinsurgency’, and the related emerging geopolitical convergences of interest between Western and non-Western elites in counterinsurgency, has received little attention. In focusing on counterinsurgency-related forms of knowledge production, and by analyzing the role of transnational military knowledge entrepreneurs promoting a form of coercive Realpolitik that supports ‘locally owned’ elite-driven counterinsurgency efforts in the field of South-South military cooperation between Colombia and Somalia, this article addresses this void. We show that conventional North/South divides no longer capture the realities of counterinsurgent warfare going global and call for a de-centering of the study of military interventions that is sensitive to how knowledge production in regards to ‘Global South’ contexts not only makes them legible, and thereby more governable, but also how this knowledge production informs ongoing reconfiguration of interventions themselves.
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| 5 |
ID:
128316
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 21st century, developing countries have become a pivotal force in the world, with rapid development, growing strength, and rising international status and influence. As the largest developing country, China has always considered developing countries as a foundation of its diplomacy. As China presses ahead with the times, its relations with developing countries have yielded fruitful results. The interests of China and other developing countries have become increasingly interconnected, hence the growing need for each other. Developing countries generally have a stronger desire to strengthen cooperation with China. China's relations with developing countries face new opportunities.
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| 6 |
ID:
136048
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the outset, in the aftermath of World War II, the United Nations development system (unds) has constituted an essential pillar of the world organisation’s activities, along with those devoted to peacekeeping, humanitarianism, human rights and justice. Adaptations notwithstanding, serious questions remain about its effectiveness and capacity to represent adequately the aspirations of ‘we, the peoples’ – the opening words of the UN Charter – particularly in the global South. Although developing countries have joined forces at different stages in the international arena – including through the Non-Aligned Movement (nam) and the Group of 77 (G77) – to increase their voices within the system, over the past decade a new twist has been added, the visibility of emerging powers. This reality not only reflects the latter’s growing role as providers of development cooperation but also their criticism of the existing architecture for global economic governance.
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| 7 |
ID:
152743
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study sets out to introduce the concept of soft accountability as a new approach to understanding mutual accountability in unlikely settings of development cooperation through South-South cooperation. In doing so, this study analyzes three defining components of accountability (responsibility, answerability, and enforceability) and identifies the actors and modalities of mutual accountability in four different situations of South-South cooperation mechanisms. The main finding in this conceptual analysis contains establishing an institutional and sustainable development platform for the mutual accountability of South-South cooperation by not only reflecting the distinctive nature of South-South cooperation, but also focusing on responsibility first to reduce buck-passing among actors and to sustain its continuous management.
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| 8 |
ID:
186104
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2006, 50 Cuban doctors have worked in Pacific Island countries (PICs), while 250 Pacific islanders have studied medicine at the Latin American School of Medicine in Cuba, nearly doubling the medical workforce in some countries. Although Cuba has pursued an extensive South-South Cooperation (SSC) programme in health around the globe for 60 years, the relatively recent presence of Cuba in the Pacific is intriguing. The programme is based on what Cuba has called the “multiple coincidences” and shared experiences between Cuba and PICs as Small Island Developing States facing common challenges. Proponents argue Cuba’s expertise in providing community-based and human-capital oriented care health care in low-resource environments could provide a suitable model for meeting the health goals and needs of PICs. Moreover, Cuba’s medical cooperation is grounded in an ethics of solidarity and offers a clear example of social justice-oriented south-south cooperation which aims to both address immediate humanitarian need and to transform power structures that limit the accessibility and availability of sustainable health care within partner countries. Yet despite this there has been little research on Cuba’s approach to medical cooperation in the Pacific. This paper addresses this gap, drawing on Maussian gift theory to argue that the Cuban ‘gift of health’ provides much needed capacity in health while building the dignity of both partners. As a theory of solidarity with distinct Pacific roots and which links clearly to the solidarity-based model of Cuban cooperation based on egalitarianism and relationship, gift theory provides an explanation for the presence of Cuba in the Pacific and highlights the importance of equitable relationships and dignity in development partnerships, providing theoretical roots to the idea that there might an alternative to traditional models of aid and development in the region.
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| 9 |
ID:
062476
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| Publication |
Apr-Jun 2005.
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| 10 |
ID:
133291
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
International development is in a period of transition. While the outcome of this is still unclear, this article argues that there are at least four areas in which the project of international development is changing. First, there is a debate, especially within the World Bank, about development strategy and how we think about development, particularly in terms of the balance between states and markets. This is evident in the debate over state failure and the new structural economics. Second, there is increasing evidence of a shift in lending, away from projects of 'small' human development, perhaps best encapsulated by the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, towards more transformative 'big' development projects such as infrastructure. Third, 'non-traditional' aid donors and new forms of private philanthropy are playing a more significant role in development financing and this, in turn, offers developing countries a new range of choices about what kinds of development assistance they receive. Fourth, aid relations are changing as a result of the renewed agency of developing states, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, and shifts towards increased South-South cooperation are growing as evidenced by increased funding from regional development banks and increased trade flows. The article reviews these changes and suggests a series of questions and challenges that arise from them for analysts of international development, developing countries and traditional aid donors.
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| 11 |
ID:
150585
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| Summary/Abstract |
South-South trade has become a core component of the contemporary trade debate, but the idea of using preferential trade agreements among developing countries to foster industrialization and diminish dependence on the North has a long history. This article examines the North-South and South-South politics surrounding two efforts to operationalize this idea—the Protocol Relating to Trade Negotiations Among Developing Countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Global System of Trade Preferences Among Developing Countries within the UN Conference on Trade and Development. It argues that the rich world has been somewhat obstructive in these efforts, but ultimately the primary cause for the weakness of these agreements is traced to failure by the Global South to make good on the rhetoric surrounding economic cooperation and South-South solidarity. Lessons from this history must be learned if current efforts to extend the GSTP are to bring greater benefits, particularly to the least developed.
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| 12 |
ID:
155949
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| 13 |
ID:
139385
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| Summary/Abstract |
The New Silk Road Economic Belt, among other newly launched foreign policy initiatives, illustrates that China is broadening its strategic aperture and making more efforts to “look westwards” and “march westwards,” which are crucial as China consolidates its status as the world’s largest developing country and promotes South-South cooperation. To better understand Beijing’s interest in reviving the Silk Road and it westward march, one needs to pay closer attention to the ongoing overhaul of China’s periphery diplomacy. Expansion of its influence to the west is a strategic necessity for China’s involvement in great power dynamics, the improvement of its international environment, and the strengthening of its development resilience. China faces a number of daunting challenges in implementing this grand strategy. These challenges include seeking support from regional powers who are suspicious of China’s strategic intentions and addressing China’s own knowledge and capacity deficits in dealing with the governmental and nongovernmental actors in the Central Asia, South Asia, and Middle East regions.
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| 14 |
ID:
184096
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-level development cooperation, a relatively overlooked dimension in assessing regionalism in Southeast Asia, by examining the Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI). The IAI provides a unique case of experimenting with multilateral South-South development cooperation based on regional solidarity; however, despite the declared aspirations and commitments to the program, this article finds that the IAI’s actual development has been quite contrary to the declared goals. First, unlike what was expected, IAI has not been able to provide institutional benefits to help pool ASEAN-6’s resources regionally and coordinate their development programs. Second, the principle of solidarity made the IAI valuable, but it did not stand out in its actions. Third, although its primary goal was to narrow the gap among members, IAI ironically created unwanted diplomatic divide and discontent. The observations confirm a perspective that constructing ASEAN as a regional community is both driven and constrained by member states’ nationalistic priorities.
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| 15 |
ID:
073005
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| 16 |
ID:
063991
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| 17 |
ID:
154715
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using the examples of the UN Development Programme and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, this article aims to analyze how the role of international organizations (IOs) is being changed through the incorporation of South-South cooperation (SSC) narratives and practices into their activities. Despite increased interest in the role of SSC in global governance, few empirical researchers get inside these organizations to see and analyze how this form of cooperation impacts IOs and how the latter adapt to these changes. Based on fieldwork and participant observation, the article presents some results on the mechanisms of IOs in their efforts to permanently readapt to the international environment and, at the same time, participate in the configuration of the international scene. The main argument is that the revival of SSC by rising powers has offered them an opportunity to establish individual and collective strategic partnerships with IOs. In doing so, these powers used SSC modalities to engage several redirections of IOs' governance to lift SSC to the top of the international agenda. IOs first resisted these changes and then readapted by using these strategic partnerships as a means to reaffirm their role in the international system's hierarchy as main institutions promoting SSC.
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| 18 |
ID:
178495
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| Summary/Abstract |
Brazil’s government has historically engaged with other developing countries to promote technical cooperation. Since the 1988 federal Constitution, different presidents have paid attention to this foreign policy agenda. However, it was particularly under the Workers’ Party’s administrations (2003–2016) that South-South cooperation (SSC) gained political ground, rooted in official principles of South-South solidarity, horizontality, non-interference in domestic affairs, and the defence of a multipolar world-vision. In this article, based on the argument that international development cooperation (IDC) is a key instrument of a country’s economic diplomacy, we analyse the perceptions of Brazilian diplomats about SSC in order to understand Brazil’s interests and motivations in this field. Methodologically, the article discusses the main results of a survey conducted between 25 August and 23 September 2016 among 349 Brazilian individuals, who correspond to approximately 22 per cent of Brazil’s active diplomats. The survey results showed that Brazilian diplomats generally have a favourable perception on Brazil’s SSC programmes, and that a great majority of them has already acted in SSC activities. Still, the issue of political conditionality brings in cleavages, indicating that there is a large group of Brazilian diplomats who openly support SSC as an instrument of national interests and not because of the official narratives related to a ‘solidarity with the South’ or ‘the promotion of human rights’. As a consequence, with the exception of perceptions on political conditionalities and economic criteria, the majority of diplomats share commonalities that also correspond to the government’s official rhetoric between 2003 and 2016. This article is structured around the following three sections: (1) South-South cooperation as a foreign policy agenda, (2) Diplomats as agents of Brazil’s South-South cooperation and (3) Presenting and discussing the perceptions of Brazilian diplomats.
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| 19 |
ID:
178066
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| Summary/Abstract |
The geopolitics of development are explored through an examination of development assistance to two African countries as a mechanism of competition between China and the US. The processes of competition include the actions and rhetoric of African leaders. We define a geopolitical context for the agency of political leaders and opinion-makers in Ghana and Zambia. The geopolitical context consists of the structure and dynamics of the world-economy; especially the competition to capture the newest round of innovations and the related need to establish supply chains of raw materials from peripheral countries. By analysing quotes from Ghanaian and Zambian elites we identify the possibility for geopolitical agency in the periphery that is constrained by, and largely maintains, China-US competition and the core-periphery hierarchy of the world-economy.
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| 20 |
ID:
013432
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| Publication |
Sept 1997.
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| Description |
89-127
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