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| 1 |
ID:
105962
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| 2 |
ID:
146768
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Iraqi High Tribunal (IHT), as a mechanism of transitional justice, took upon it a pioneering role within the Middle Eastern Region by prosecuting and convicting several high-ranking members of the former suppressive regime in Iraq. As part of this work, the IHT confronted the widespread impunity for and disregard of gender-based crimes, such as rape and other sexual violence, and took steps towards reforming the sector through its progressive statute and the specific acknowledgment of gender crimes within its judgments. It will be the aim of the following article to extend academic writings on Iraq, the IHT and gender, by providing insights into how the tribunal dealt with the issues of rape and sexual violence, the surrounding circumstances and how successful the IHT's recognition of these crimes proved for transitional justice in Iraq.
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| 3 |
ID:
115914
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| Publication |
Washington DC, Institute For International Economics, 2004.
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| Description |
xv,218p.
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| Standard Number |
0881323705
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056911 | 363.25968/REU 056911 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
114895
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| 5 |
ID:
089009
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| 6 |
ID:
013517
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| Publication |
1997.
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| Description |
36-40
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| 7 |
ID:
096024
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| 8 |
ID:
147772
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| Summary/Abstract |
UNFORTUNATELY, it has to be said that the problem of impunity remains highly relevant in Ukraine. Having come to power in an unconstitutional manner, Ukraine's ruling regime is seeking to ensure its further survival largely by illegal methods. As a result, the humanitarian and human rights situation in Ukraine remains serious.
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| 9 |
ID:
117992
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do armed groups recruit large numbers of children as fighters, often coercively? The international community has tried to curb these crimes by shaming and punishing leaders who commit them-in short, making the crimes costlier. Are these policies effective and sufficient? The answer lies in more attention to the strategic interaction between rebel leaders and recruits. We adapt theories of industrial organization to rebellious groups and show how, being less able fighters, children are attractive recruits if and only if they are easier to intimidate, indoctrinate, and misinform than adults. This ease of manipulation interacts with the costliness of war crimes to influence rebel leaders' incentives to coerce children into war. We use a case study and a novel survey of former child recruits in Uganda to illustrate this argument and provide hard evidence not only that children are more easily manipulated in war, but also how-something often asserted but never demonstrated. Our theory, as well as a new "cross-rebel" data set, also support the idea that costliness matters: foreign governments, international organizations, diasporas, and local populations can discourage child recruitment by withholding resources or punishing offenders (or, conversely, encourage these crimes by failing to act). But punishing war crimes has limitations, and can only take us so far. Children's reintegration opportunities must be at least as great as adults' (something that demobilization programs sometimes fail to do). Also, indoctrination and misinformation can be directly influenced. We observe grassroots innovations in Uganda that could be models for the prevention and curbing of child soldiering and counterinsurgency generally.
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| 10 |
ID:
098308
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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| Description |
xviii, 257p.
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| Standard Number |
9780521861854, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055185 | 345.0235/OSI 055185 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
124426
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In debates on the preemptive measures of the war on terror, criminal law is often regarded as the antithesis to exception-a conventional mode of response that acts on the basis of past harm. Since September 11, 2001, however, significant new terrorism laws have been adopted in most countries in order to make possible the disruption and prosecution of potential terrorists engaged in preparatory activities. Thus, ancillary acts undertaken increasingly in advance of actual violence are brought within the remit of criminal law. This paper engages the question of the precautionary turn in criminal law itself, and how it plays out in actual courtrooms. We examine the terrorist trial as a performative space where potential future terror is imagined, invoked, contested, and made real. By focusing on the cases of the Hofstad group in the Netherlands, and the Rhyme trials in the UK, the paper examines how present criminal offenses involving terrorist aims and intent are constituted through the appeal to potential future violence. In conclusion, the paper teases out the political dynamic of secondary risk management that-frequently-underlies contemporary terrorism prosecutions.
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| 12 |
ID:
104491
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| 13 |
ID:
097664
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