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| 1 |
ID:
137423
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| Summary/Abstract |
With European Union Training Missions (EUTM) Mali and EUTM Somalia, the EU seeks to stabilize countries facing state weakness caused by intrastate conflict. While the EU formally promotes security sector reform (SSR) through its foreign policy, the EUTM missions in Mali and Somalia in one sense can be described as “counter-insurgency by proxy” as military trainees combat local insurgencies shortly upon graduation. This raises the question whether the EUTM missions are consistent with SSR aims, such as creating a security sector that is legitimate, sustainable, and under civilian control, or inadvertently risk contributing to negative side effects in the medium term. Based on extensive interviews in Belgium, Kenya, Mali, Sweden, and Uganda with personnel who either served in or planned these missions, this study analyses factors which hinder the EUTM concept from being fully consistent with SSR and identifies possible policies to ameliorate the risk of unintended side effects.
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| 2 |
ID:
174333
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Stabilization is a contestable concept of intervention in violent conflicts. Often, it is either uncritically supported or rejected. In this article, we criticize current conceptualisations and practices of stabilization and newly introduce a dynamic approach for stabilization that yields a transformative potential. By distinguishing static vs. dynamic approaches to stabilization, we address the widespread dilemma that so-called stabilization measures seem unable to avoid instability and protracted violence in the long-term. Our analysis of the three policy fields peacekeeping, train & equip programmes and migration management in Mali reveals the dominance of static elements in stabilization practice. Instead, our article proposes to see a transformative variant of stabilization measures that enhances long-term security and development. We argue that there are two dynamic approaches of stabilization that policy-makers and practitioners can apply in (post-)conflict societies: state-centred liberal peacebuilding that takes its normative core seriously, and non-state centric peacebuilding that acknowledges alternative lived orders.
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| 3 |
ID:
178524
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Security sector reform (SSR) is regularly cited by states and regional organisations as crucial for stability in the Sahel. However, these declarations and interventions are not based on deep analysis, and much of the literature focuses overwhelmingly on the role of external actors or technical aspects of SSR. Against this backdrop, three preliminary factors need to be addressed in order to reform the security sectors in Burkina Faso and Mali: abuses and violations by regular armies; state support to non-state armed groups; and the securitisation of the region by external actors. In this context, SSR remains hamstrung and illusory: it is not inclusive, which threatens to undermine its outcome.
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| 4 |
ID:
167411
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarized masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR/SSR programme is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it argues that Rwanda’s locally owned DDR/SSR programme places the military and militarization at the centre of the country’s nation-building programme. Through various ‘boundary-construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilize the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarized masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of historical accounts, policy documents and training materials of the Rwanda Defence Force.
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| 5 |
ID:
154376
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| Summary/Abstract |
This piece examines recurring patterns in the ‘where’ and ‘how’ of security sector reform (SSR) implementation failures in post-conflict African SSR programmes featuring substantial external involvement that have been undertaken since the mid-1990s. It finds, briefly that in these efforts, gaps in SSR implementation have tended to occur at the same points in the SSR process repeatedly. The most common issues include failures to correctly assess the post-conflict security environment, failures to ensure local ownership of reform efforts, failures to devote sufficient resources and attention to disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR, a process with close ties to SSR and force integration), failures by donors to coordinate goals and resources, and failures to include critical parts of both the de jure and de facto security sector in reforms. Post-conflict African success stories also share common characteristics, most notably a deep and wide level of societal involvement at most stages of the SSR process. These patterns, analysed as a necessary first step to discovering the ‘why’ of implementation failures in such cases, collectively suggest a focus on the early mobilisation of domestic political demand for SSR, rather than on varying methods of applying external pressure, as a fruitful avenue for future research.
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| 6 |
ID:
185889
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this paper, I theorize and empirically illustrate how security sector reforms (SSR) can transform violence-centred masculinities in post-conflict militaries. I argue that substantial change of such gender roles depends on challenging the power that is institutionally inscribed into the constructed antagonisms between (1) men and women, (2) fighters and civilians, and (3) perpetrators and victims of violence. A case study on changing masculinities within the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) via SSR illustrates this argument. During the violent conflict in Liberia between 1989 and 2003, the AFL infamously perpetrated large-scale violence against civilians, enacting particularly violent forms of masculinity. After the war, the AFL was dissolved and rebuilt with an emphasis on human rights and, partly, gender mainstreaming. Drawing from interviews with multiple stakeholders and practice-theoretical reasoning, the paper renders empirically and theoretically tangible that SSR can change institutional constructions of masculinity by challenging socially constructed antagonisms that give power to men, fighters, and perpetrators.
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| 7 |
ID:
161122
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| Summary/Abstract |
The security sector reform (SSR) programme in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has failed, according to a former high-level member of the United Nations (UN) mission in the DRC, as a large section of the country remains outside government control, and the security institutions of the state continue to constitute one of the predominant sources of insecurity for the local population in a number of ways. Based on several field studies, this article critically scrutinises the SSR of the Congolese National Police (Police nationale congolaise; PNC) and the efforts to reform it between 2004 and 2016. It further attempts to explain why so little progress was made in the SSR of the PNC, despite extensive involvement from donors. The article shows that the instrumental and traditional approach to SSR is partly to blame, because in this case it failed to address the root problems and initiate the needed fundamental reform and reconstruction of the police force. It also shows that reforming local security institutions becomes even more difficult when the local authorities do not support the effort.
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| 8 |
ID:
127248
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| 9 |
ID:
093019
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nepal's security sector is in a state of transition: from an old structural hierarchy in the security, judicial and administrative sectors to a security apparatus that is more democratic, transparent and accountable to the people. While security sector reforms (SSR) are crucial for the political stability of the country, SSR can be successfully implemented only when integrated into the larger government planning framework. To this end, any SSR programme will have to address important issues such as the reform of the Nepal Army (NA), which is perhaps the most important actor in Nepal's security landscape; integration of former Maoist rebels into the NA; and strengthening the Nepal Police and Armed Police Force (APF). Additionally, successful SSR implementation will require the drawing up of a national security policy for Nepal and the adoption of a holistic approach to safeguarding its security interests.
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| 10 |
ID:
093020
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last 60 years, Pakistan has witnessed recurrent political upheavals and security threats that have undermined any attempt in building strong democratic institutions. This is true also of the security sector and governance agencies that are perhaps facing their biggest internal and external security challenge since 2007. The stresses on Pakistan's security sector to protect the country's borders, its people and the nuclear arsenal are unprecedented. In the light of such problems, the article examines the efforts to build various institutions for addressing the country's security challenges as well as the reforms that have been undertaken to strengthen these institutions. The article concludes by recommending certain necessary steps required to establish a holistic security sector in order to safeguard its national interests.
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