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| 1 |
ID:
124674
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes how stakeholders are able to influence climate policy-making in the U.S.; emphasis is placed upon the most popular sports league in the United States, the National Football League (NFL). An empirical analysis of the 32 NFL franchises identifies pioneering clubs that have introduced ambitious green programs that include the utilization of renewable energies, the adoption of energy efficiency measures and carbon offsetting policies, as well as the facilitation of public transport and electric cars. Apart from environmental concerns, this paper identifies several drivers for pioneering actions: economic motives, pressure exerted by the local environment, public relations, and political incentives such as the promotion from the federal government's stimulus package. Finally, this article investigates the role that state actors, such as the Environmental Protection Agency, and non-state actors, such as the Natural Resources Defense Council, play in the innovation and diffusion processes of environmental programs in the NFL.
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| 2 |
ID:
094934
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2010.
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Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates are major oil and natural gas producing countries that make up the Gulf Cooperation Council. The six GCC countries fall in the top 25 countries of carbon dioxide emissions per capita and are perceived as the main actors blocking international climate change negotiations. The aim of this article is to discuss from a policy perspective the capacities of the GCC states to switch toward an ecological modernization of their energy sectors. At the beginning of the paper, I analyze the benefits of transforming oil wealth into funding for renewable energy and energy efficiency. After this, I discuss obstacles to such a transformation process based on the rentier states theory. Finally, I investigate governance of the GCC on all levels (international, regional, and local). The article shows that the GCC countries have recently adopted a more pro-active approach toward ecological modernization. This reorientation has not yet resulted in the development of consistent strategies and policies, however. The concluding assumption based on the concept of policy transfer is that pioneering projects such as Masdar City and innovative regulation like the green building code in Dubai will spread within the GCC.
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| 3 |
ID:
157524
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Since 1955, Lebanon has had a policy of boycotting Israel in international sporting tournaments. While this policy can be credited with expelling Israel from pan-Asian sporting events in the 1970s, this article argues the main victims of Lebanon's boycott have been Lebanese athletes and Lebanon itself. While some countries such as Iran have followed the Lebanese example, countries like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates have developed a more pragmatic approach.
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| 4 |
ID:
093509
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2010.
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The Gulf countries are largely dependent on exporting oil and natural gas for their national budgets. They mainly use domestic fossil fuels for their domestic energy supply. In spite of favorable geographic conditions, especially for solar energy, renewable energies are still a niche application. Abu Dhabi, besides Dubai, the most important emirate in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has now started a process of "transforming oil wealth into renewable energy leadership," and has set the long-term goal of a "transition from a 20th Century, carbon-based economy into a 21st Century sustainable economy." This article is a case study about "Masdar City," a planned carbon-neutral town in Abu Dhabi. The article describes the key characteristics of Masdar City, analyses the drivers behind the project, identifies the main actors for its implementation, and seeks obstacles to creation and development as well as the policy behind Masdar City. Finally, a first judgment of possible diffusion effects of the project is done.
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| 5 |
ID:
106627
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the literature on sport and politics the potential of sport to unite fragmented societies is emphasised. Lebanon is a counter example. Sport does not unite but further divides people. Confessionalism, the political system of this 'mosaic state' with 18 state-registered sects, produces conditions that only allow for competition within sects. The sport sector, especially the professional men's teams in football and basketball, serves as a tool for competition within and between sects. In a middle-income country with only four million inhabitants, club revenues from ticketing and broadcasting are almost non-existent. Therefore professional sport teams are completely dependent on sponsors. Within a patron-client relationship system, political leaders finance the clubs but expect complete loyalty from the teams, implemented through such practices as choosing their party colours as team colours or posting large pictures of themselves in the arenas. While national sports teams often have the potential to unite societies, in Lebanon this can only happen if first steps from a sectarian to a secular state are taken. Then a common national identity (including general support for the national sports teams) might gradually develop and later transform the confessional subsystems such as the media, schools and sports clubs towards non-sectarian entities.
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| 6 |
ID:
152088
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At the Olympic Games, there is an increasing gap between developed countries that are investing more and more government resources into sporting success, and developing countries that cannot afford the “Gold War”, and are just spectators in the medal race. Based on studying a representative case, Lebanon, I investigate issues and interests of developing countries in the Olympics. On the political level, the main motivation for participation is global recognition. On the sporting level, developing countries seek to use Olympic participation as preparation for regional Games where success is more likely, serving as a soft power tool for regional influence.
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