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ID:
093871
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Specialists on Chinese studies are divided on whether or not China is moving towards democracy. Many scholars forcefully argue that China by now is fairly democratic. While conforming to these views, this article prompts the thesis that China is already somewhat democratic today and is becoming more so. This is argued by highlighting the trends and the progressive character in its emerging regime politics. On the surface, these progressive trends and character may be seen as rhetorical and more as a communist proposition to legitimize its ruling. But the mere emergence of these democratic features confirms that the regime in China is in a phase of transition. In the idiom of political regimes, one may like to call it a 'hybrid' state
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| 2 |
ID:
093872
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The last couple of decades have seen a colossal change in terms of the influence that computers can have on the battlefield, with defence pundits claiming it to be the dawn of a new era in warfare. Under these circumstances, there has been a gradual paradigm shift in military thinking and strategies from the strategic aspect to the tactical aspect of cyber warfare, laying more emphasis on it being a potent force multiplier. The author believes this is wrong and rather than cyber warfare being an enhancement of traditional operations, the latter will be force multipliers of cyber warfare. This article tries to shatter myths woven around cyber warfare so as to illuminate the strategic aspects of this relatively misinterpreted notion, thus identifying a paradigm shift, making cyber war the primary means of achieving grand strategic objectives in the contemporary world order.
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| 3 |
ID:
093869
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| 4 |
ID:
093875
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The overall post-Soviet and post-Cold War transformation of the five Central Asian countries is multifaceted and complicated. New geopolitics has penetrated into almost all critically important spheres of post-Soviet transformation. Geopolitics even influences spheres such as national self-identification, which is traditionally regarded as having nothing to do with geopolitics. That is why one can assume that geopolitics stipulates regional integration as well. More precisely, regional integration for Central Asia is its response to geopolitical pressure from outside the region and its way of creating its new geopolitical status from within.
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| 5 |
ID:
093874
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indian presence in the Gulf region is civilizational and has developed into a vibrant relationship over the years. With the emergence of India as a large economic power and with the Gulf region simultaneously witnessing spectacular economic growth, economic trends are reinforcing mutual interdependence. While India's economic presence in the region has transformed from barter exchanges between merchants and Indian human capital, India's political presence has remained more or less subdued. However, in the changing post-Cold War geo-political environment and converging security landscape, India has become strategically important for the Gulf countries as a major geo-political player. This article analyses Indian presence in the Gulf region and makes an economic and political assessment of the emerging Gulf-India ties.
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| 6 |
ID:
093861
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| 7 |
ID:
093873
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research article examines the rationale for Iran, Pakistan, and India entering into a trade agreement to meet their economic, political, and strategic needs as well as the constraints and challenges that still hamper such an agreement from realizing its full potential. Using the gas pipeline project as a case study, the issues of energy security (as the independent variable) and of economic interdependence (as the dependent variable) highlight the importance of cooperation among these countries.
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| 8 |
ID:
093867
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| 9 |
ID:
093868
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| 10 |
ID:
093862
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| 11 |
ID:
093864
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| 12 |
ID:
093870
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