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| 1 |
ID:
121868
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| 2 |
ID:
176491
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| Summary/Abstract |
Does a leader's ethnicity affect the regional distribution of basic services such as education in Africa? Several influential studies have argued in the affirmative, by using educational attainment levels to show that children who share the ethnicity of the president during their school-aged years have higher attainment than their peers. In this paper we revisit this empirical evidence and show that it rests on problematic assumptions. Some models commonly used to test for favouritism do not take adequate account of educational convergence and once this is properly accounted for the results are found to be unstable. Using Kenya as a test case, we argue that there is no conclusive evidence of ethnic favouritism in primary or secondary education, but rather a process of educational convergence among the country's larger ethnic groups. This evidence matters, as it shapes how we understand the ethnic calculus of politicians.
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| 3 |
ID:
094177
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| 4 |
ID:
094428
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While recent historical scholarship has attempted to read back the existence of nations into medieval Europe, a similar revisionism has yet to take place amongst scholars of Africa. Here I take up the case of Buganda, a precolonial kingdom on the northern edge of Lake Victoria in what is now central Uganda. I show that Buganda in the mid-19th century fits various definitions of both ethnic groups and nations, while its neighbors largely do not. Thus the Bugandan case both demonstrates further evidence for the existence of premodern nations and illuminates the great variety of precolonial identities present in Africa.
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| 5 |
ID:
117517
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
African states are both unusually large and well known for having artificial borders created during the colonial period. While African state size and shape have been previously shown to be correlated with negative development outcomes, no one has heretofore examined the origins of either phenomenon. Here, I show that African state size and shape are not arbitrary but are rather a consequence of Africa's low pre-colonial population density, whereby low-density areas were consolidated into unusually large colonial states with artificial borders. I also show that state size has a strong negative relationship with pre-colonial trade and that trade and population density alone explain the majority of the variation in African state size. Finally, I do not find a relationship between population density and state size or shape among non-African former colonies, thereby emphasizing the distinctiveness of modern African state formation.
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| 6 |
ID:
116334
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sub-Saharan Africa has shifted from having a low population density and no population growth in the 19th century to an extremely high population growth today. I argue here that an important cause behind contemporary civil conflict has been this rapid demographic shift. Specifically, I show that low population densities in Africa historically contributed to communal land rights and the creation of large states. In the postcolonial era, however, these two variables have combined with high population growth rates, low levels of urbanization, and rural-rural migration flows to produce large amounts of 'sons of the soil' conflict over land. Evidence from contemporary civil wars in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo supports my theory.
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