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ID:
092180
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores identity formation across generations among Turkish Americans. The study argues that important differences exist between first and second generation Turkish Americans in regard to the acceptance and assertion of their American and Turkish identities and cultural practices. While first generation Turkish Americans are quite reluctant to assert their American identities, second generation Turkish Americans openly express both their Turkish and American identities, regardless of their religious orientation. Whereas the first generation is more isolated in America no matter the degree of their acculturation, second generation Turkish Americans are much more integrated, as linguistic proficiency and cultural adaptation are less significant barriers to their participation in larger American society. This article also suggests that those second generation Turkish immigrants who feel discriminated against believe that it is their Islamic faith rather than their ethnicity that is the cause of their lack of acceptance by larger American society.
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| 2 |
ID:
092176
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that the partition of the village of Ghajar between Israel and Lebanon by the Israeli Line of Withdrawal, as determined by the United Nations in 2000, was based on historical and cartographical errors. It demonstrates that the entire village was controlled by Syria until the June 1967 war when Israel occupied it along with the Golan Heights. The article shows that the entire pre-1967 tri-border region of Syria, Lebanon, and Israel suffered from border irregularities that remained dormant until 2000. Finally, the article argues that Ghajar should remain united, pending a Syrian-Israeli peace deal that theoretically would return the Golan Heights to Syria and include Ghajar in its entirety.
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| 3 |
ID:
092178
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey has been undergoing major democratic transformations in recent years, but one issue remains in question: the role of the military. Have these democratic changes also included an irreversible, structural change for the Turkish military's political role? Are the Turks reconceptualizing their special bond with the armed forces and most importantly, is the military leadership ready to go along with this paradigm shift? This article first provides a typology of civil-military relations worldwide and identifies the main parameters of traditional Turkish civil-military relations as a system in which society maintains a direct, special bond with its military, keeping politics and politicians in a secondary position. It then suggests that this pattern is shifting into a more democratic one, in which society places its trust in politics, thus forcing the military into the secondary position. It then analyzes the discourse and policies of the last three Turkish Chiefs of Staff for evidence that the army is adapting into this paradigm shift. With the completion of this adaptation, Turkey may very well be leaving the coup era behind.
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| 4 |
ID:
092179
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the public images and citizenship status of Turkish-citizen Kurds in Turkey. Kurds in Turkey mostly have been seen as prospective-Turks and accordingly have been subject to the assimilationist practices of citizenship throughout the Republican period. However, recent signs suggest that this image and status of the Kurds are not as secure as they once were. Kurds are now perceived by many as pseudo-citizens. A historical reading of citizenship practices in Turkey indicates that this change in the Kurds' image may be accompanied by a change in their citizenship status and that they may now be subject to the discriminatory practices of citizenship. The article concludes with an argument as to why such a fundamental change has taken place in the image and status of Kurds in Turkey.
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| 5 |
ID:
092177
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 'Alawis of Syria are part of the Shi'a stream; this has led to an alliance with Iran, the center of Shi'ite Islam. This alliance aggravated the oppositionist Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), whose members have been in exile since 1982. According to them, the alliance is a stage in a Shi'ite scheme to take over the Sunni countries, including Syria. However, during the past year the MB has changed their strategy, and we are currently witnessing a rapprochement between the Brotherhood and Damascus.
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