| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
158806
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
114372
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
114365
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
126288
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
139174
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The use of the term Naxalism has become synonymous with Maoist activities in India. All such activities are branded as Left Wing Extremism (LWE). The Maoist movement calls for a complete transformation of the political, social and economic systems as existing in India. In its essence, it challenges the validity of the Indian Constitution and rejects the Parliamentary system, seeking to replace it with a new social order. It draws its strength from existing weaknesses in society where certain vulnerable sections have been marginalised and exploited and, thus, can be penetrated and swayed by Maoist ideologues, who promise the people a fulfillment of their aspirations and a life of dignity and self-respect. The Naxal movement has a relationship to Communism. Karl Marx propounded that in order to fight feudalism and capitalism, “You must have a scientific philosophy and a sound theory, for a workers movement to be built up on a scientific basis”. In dealing with the problem of social change, Marx examined two concepts, the first dealing with the “forces of production” and the second with the “relations of production”. He was more interested in examining the military concepts of the social revolutionaries, which earlier lay in the domain of great political leaders, legislators and pioneering reformers. According to Marx, the social process would lead to revolution at a certain stage of development and the material productive forces of society would come into conflict with the existing relations of production. He emphasised that change could be
brought out only by revolution and not by peaceful means.1 The Naxal ideology flows from this line of thought.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
121148
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
105459
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
As of now, institutions within Pakistan are strong enough to prevent both the balkanisation of Pakistan as well as the possibility of the state falling into theocratic hands. Pakistan is also unlikely to wind up terror operations against India as it considers the terrorist organisations to be its strategic assets. Internal disturbances within Pakistan allow it to maintain plausible deniability and the shifting of blame on to non-state actors over whom Pakistan claims it has no control. This paper argues that India's response to terror will have to be well thought out. Waging war against Pakistan to counter its support to terrorist activities within India is not likely to work. It will polarise Pakistani society and push it further into the hands of fundamentalist forces. In any event, the battle to be waged is ideological and peace can never be achieved unless India displays the will to act.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
118330
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Value systems form the spine of modern society, religion and every individual's conscience with moral codes defining 'appropriate' and 'expected' activity. Ethics refer to an individual's actions that are consistent with such value systems. While the former constitutes a basic human marker of right behaviour and conduct, the latter are a set of guidelines that define acceptable behaviour and practices for a certain group of individuals or society. Within this construct, this article traces the origin and growth of Indian and Western ideas on the subject and probes similarities between the two. The article thereafter dwells on the perceived decline in moral values in India-a widespread belief-even though no empirical study exists to substantiate this claim. The author then suggests that the focus needs to shift from a perceived 'ethics crisis' to how ethical leadership can be strengthened within the armed forces.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
094744
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
146963
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
India needs a measure of pragmatism in its policy of dealing with China. Increased trade flows do not by themselves lead to an absence of conflict. The excellent personal rapport developed between the Indian Prime Minister and his Chinese counterpart, while useful, is also not a guarantor of peace. That comes about through hard power. India will need to develop its economic and military might to safeguard its vital national interests. Militarily, it is vital that India maintain adequate deterrent capability in the oceans as well as over the Tibetan skies. That is the guarantor of peace.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
102221
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
118480
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
131022
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
An analysis of Left Wing Extremism (LWE) related incidents show's a welcome declining trend over the last three years. The _year 2008 witnessed 1,591 incidents of Naxal violence, which rose to over 2,200 in both 2009 and 2010. Since then, there has been a dip to 1,760, 1,415 and 1,129 incidents across the country for the years 201 1, 2012 and 2013 respectively.' The fatalities due to Naxal violence have also registered a sharp decline over the last three years (see Fig 1)? The trends indicate improved capability of the state governments and their security forces to deal with attacks by Maoists, especially on police posts. However, they do not indicate any appreciable degradation in the strength of the armed Wing of the Maoist groups, most notably the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) of the Communist Party of India (Mam), [CPM(M)] which does not appear to have been weakened in any appreciable manner.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
110675
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
151877
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
102324
|
|
|