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| 1 |
ID:
106019
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a prevailing assumption amongst scholars and observers of Indonesian politics that there is a close link between religious identity and political identity. How valid is this socio-cultural identity model in explaining the party affiliation and political allegiance of increasingly pious Muslim youth to a political organization in the context of democratic consolidation? In particular, how valid is this assumption with consideration to contemporary Indonesian politics? This article engages this debate through a careful analysis of the member recruitment and mobilization of the most successful religious-based Islamist organization in post-authoritarian Indonesia, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). The article combines two strands of social movement theory, resource mobilization and opportunity structures, to argue that the PKS's relative success in recruiting committed Muslim youth is explained by two interrelated factors: (1) merit-based cadre recruitment and promotion, which offers young, ambitious and religiously conscious Muslim youth fair and institutionalized political career opportunities and thus incentives to commit themselves to the party's collective interests; and (2) the timing of organizational expansion that coincided with a rapid increase of state office - both executive and legislative - at the sub-national levels as a result of localized democratic elections.
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| 2 |
ID:
094947
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Controversies and frictions related to Islam since the political ascendancy of the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, after the 8 March 2008 general elections have revealed multiple crises of identity not only in PAS (Islamic Party of Malaysia) and Pakatan Rakyat, but also in broader Malaysian society. It is argued that the pattern of frictions within PAS and Pakatan Rakyat has to do with the diminishing place of Muslim-Malay identity and interests in the avowedly multi-ethnic Pakatan Rakyat regime. It is suggested that these frictions are largely attributed to the distinctive character and emphasis of the Islamisation enterprises sponsored by the ruling regime under the United Malays National Organisation since the 1980s and growing Muslim anxiety and frustration about their position within the Malaysian polity.
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| 3 |
ID:
145438
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| 4 |
ID:
145444
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| Summary/Abstract |
The new Indonesian president, Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”), has faced formidable challenges on a number of fronts in his first year in office. Although Jokowi has managed to roll out his pet projects for the poor, management of competing partisan and personal interests as well as the economy and religious conflict continues to be a challenge. Overall, the new government’s contribution to democratic reforms has been modest thus far.
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| 5 |
ID:
117064
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is commonly assumed that greater enforcement of Syariah [Islamic law] is the result of growing Islamism in civil society and/or the state. This article investigates the most burning political issue relating to the state enforcement of Syariah in contemporary Malaysia, that of apostasy. The author argues that it is the electoral imperative of the secular Muslim ruling elites, especially prime ministers, to cultivate broader support to achieve political survival, not only among their traditional power base in the rural Muslim constituencies, as is conventionally argued, but equally importantly among the urban non-Muslim (especially Chinese) constituencies, which has also conditioned the state enforcement of Syariah. The author's findings from Malaysia and observations on Indonesia further suggest that electoral competitiveness - rather than authoritarianism or theocracy - conditions state enforcement of Syariah, contrary to expectations.
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