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ID:
094947
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Controversies and frictions related to Islam since the political ascendancy of the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, after the 8 March 2008 general elections have revealed multiple crises of identity not only in PAS (Islamic Party of Malaysia) and Pakatan Rakyat, but also in broader Malaysian society. It is argued that the pattern of frictions within PAS and Pakatan Rakyat has to do with the diminishing place of Muslim-Malay identity and interests in the avowedly multi-ethnic Pakatan Rakyat regime. It is suggested that these frictions are largely attributed to the distinctive character and emphasis of the Islamisation enterprises sponsored by the ruling regime under the United Malays National Organisation since the 1980s and growing Muslim anxiety and frustration about their position within the Malaysian polity.
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| 2 |
ID:
094945
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper looks at the politics of the Malaysian Chinese Association, the main party representing the Chinese community, in the ruling Barisan Nasional, one year after the March 2008 general election. Recent developments over the last few months indicate that the party has lost its political legitimacy. The paper argues that the crisis of political legitimacy can be traced back to the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu and the introduction of the New Economic Policy in 1971.
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| 3 |
ID:
094953
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines how the internet and information communication technology have resulted in a shift in power with regard to who defines and controls content for consumption. Individuals can now take on established institutions in defining and constructing reality; and with the much lower entry point for just about anybody to be a publisher, the traditional media are being contested as never before. At the same time, this shift in power has meant it is also easier to hold media accountable-not a bad thing at all for democracy.
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| 4 |
ID:
094949
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Dubbed the 'political tsunami', the 8 March 2008 elections in Malaysia gave overwhelming results. Selangor is one of the five states now governed by the Pakatan Rakyat coalition. This was a significant win, being the most urban and lucrative state of the country. It has been considered a model state for the Pakatan Rakyat in its desire to position itself as an alternative federal government. This has been the mandate of the new Selangor government, but its execution has been accompanied by numerous obstacles. This paper analyses the distinctive reform measures undertaken by the state government, the challenges faced, ensuing political transformation, and long-term prospects for Pakatan Rakyat in Selangor.
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| 5 |
ID:
094944
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Dubbed the 'political tsunami', the 8 March 2008 elections in Malaysia gave overwhelming results. Selangor is one of the five states now governed by the Pakatan Rakyat coalition. This was a significant win, being the most urban and lucrative state of the country. It has been considered a model state for the Pakatan Rakyat in its desire to position itself as an alternative federal government. This has been the mandate of the new Selangor government, but its execution has been accompanied by numerous obstacles. This paper analyses the distinctive reform measures undertaken by the state government, the challenges faced, ensuing political transformation, and long-term prospects for Pakatan Rakyat in Selangor.
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| 6 |
ID:
094942
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The coming to power of the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) opposition coalition in five states following the 2008 election has interrupted the one dominant party political process that has prevailed for more than 50 years, and that facilitated the Barisan Nasional (BN)'s domination of the centre and penetration into the states and local authorities. Nowadays, the PR-led states of Selangor and Penang in particular have challenged federal domination as never before. The old ways of bullying weaker and poorer opposition-led states such as Kelantan and Sabah in the 1990s have been rejected. The new balance of federal-state relations has allowed the BN-led states of Sabah and Sarawak to press for decentralisation of decision-making, increased development allocations, and a greater say in determining local issues. Hence, in spite of the absence of constitutional reforms vis- -vis federal-state relations, some restructuring of those relations is underway. However, the regular occurrences of controversies suggest that Malaysia has still not transited from a centralised federalism to a more co-operative one.
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