|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
082401
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Over 98 per cent of the Bhutanese private sector consists of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and it is invariably believed that they would play a central role in fostering entrepreneurship development, providing employment and reducing poverty. However, there are several difficult challenges facing Bhutanese SMEs. This article analyses the constraints on SMEs in Bhutan by conducting interviews and a nationwide questionnaire survey of 168 micro and small firms. The findings indicate that the biggest constraints are related to restrictive business regulations, finance and infrastructure. Additionally, significant differences in the severity level of constraints between urban and rural districts are observed with regards to size, sector and ownership. Even within the SMEs, the segregation approach generated an altogether different portrayal of their distinctive needs. Our findings clearly suggest lack of government support to the SMEs. The article concludes that the Royal Government of Bhutan needs to promote the growth of SMEs through demand-driven and specifically targeted policies for urban and rural districts, based on their idiosyncratic needs
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
082400
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article undertakes a generic examination of the global change in understanding export controls with the end of the Cold War and in the wake of new threats of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation to and by non-state actors. These have necessitated a more inclusive approach to export controls. India, which until now has been outside such regimes, has a special significance since it is a major user, producer and trader of dual-use items and technologies. The article links the global changes with a simultaneous transformation in India's perception of export controls. It contrasts India's past and present approaches to export controls, identifies measures towards their better institutionalisation, highlights implementation challenges unique to the Indian environment and suggests measures to overcome these challenges. The article also argues that while export controls ensure trade with security, they have limited value as tools of non-proliferation, which in order to be sustainable, must not only dry up supply sources but also mitigate demand.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
082399
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Even though the record-setting August 2005 explosion of over 500 bombs across Bangladesh killed only three people, the question if this is a new threat arena doomed to inflict even higher casualties cannot be escaped. Narrowing a generic discussion of fundamentalism, globalisation and terrorism to Bangladesh shows how five types and three levels of fundamentalism utilise globalised channels to bring terrorism closer. Distinguishing between mainstream and extremist Islam, the study finds that while legitimate participation in political coalition making empowers Islamic parties, it also unwittingly opens doors to jihadis. Alienated by chaotic politics, as people increasingly seek religious reassurances, jihadi entrepreneurs even benefit from an opportunity: exploiting 250,000 Bihari and 300,000 Rohingya refugees languishing in Bangladesh, utilising Wahhabi money, for whatever the purpose. The case is made to absorb refugees to reduce the potential terrorist pool, and thereby give meaning to the impressive ongoing economic performance
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
082402
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines India's China policy in the 1950s with reference to the balance of power theory. Using the logic of internal and external balancing, this article investigates the policy that India followed to contain the China threat. I argue that since Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru failed to perceive the China threat, India's policy did not aim at balancing China. In substantiating this argument, I focus upon the perceptions of Nehru, the key Indian policy maker on China, and analyse how his perceptions influenced the actual policy on ground. Studying this period in the bilateral relationship is relevant even today as some of the key issues afflicting the relationship originated during the 1950s
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
082398
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Having remained wedded to Kashmir as an 'armed self-determination conflict' for over five decades, Pakistan under General Pervez Musharraf seems to be changing course in favour of a diplomatic settlement that would be acceptable to India, Pakistan and the Kashmiris. This changing Pakistani outlook on Kashmir is clearly reflected in President Musharraf 's advocacy of a four-point proposal which seeks a settlement of the Kashmir dispute outside the framework of UN resolutions. This article describes key elements of Islamabad's new thinking on Kashmir, analyses some of the domestic, regional and global factors underpinning this change and concludes by noting some of the domestic challenges faced by Musharraf in effectively pursuing his out of the box thinking on Kashmir.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|