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| 1 |
ID:
143105
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article begins by asking how African traders learn to adjust to the foreign world of Guangzhou, China, and suggests that African logistics agents and middlemen serve as cultural brokers for these traders. After defining “cultural broker” and discussing why these brokers are not usually Chinese, it explores this role as played by ten logistics agents/middlemen from Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As logistics agents, these people help their customers in practically adjusting to Chinese life, and as middlemen they serve to grease the wheels of commerce between African customers and Chinese suppliers. This is despite their own ambivalent views of China as a place to live. They play an essential role in enabling harmonious relations between Africans and Chinese in Guangzhou, even though they see themselves not as cultural brokers but simply as businessmen.
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| 2 |
ID:
100505
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses an emerging African trading community in Guangzhou, China. It is argued that migrant communities such as this one act as linguistic, cultural and economic bridges between their source communities and their host communities, even in the midst of tensions created by incidents such as immigration restrictions and irregularities. Socio-linguistic and socio-cultural profiles of this community are built, through questionnaire surveys and interviews, to address issues such as why Africans go to Guangzhou, which African countries are represented, what languages are spoken there, how communication takes place between Africans and Chinese, what socio-economic contributions Africans in Guangzhou are making to the Chinese economy, and how the state reacts to this African presence. Following from the argument that this community acts as a bridge for Africa-China relations it is suggested that both the Chinese and the African governments should work towards eliminating the harassment of members in this community by many Guangzhou law enforcement officials and instead harness the contributions of this community to promote Africa-China socio-economic relations.
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| 3 |
ID:
124248
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study looks at Chinese homeowners' participation in policymaking. Drawing on evidence from Guangzhou and Beijing, it shows that various organised homeowner activists have moved upstream in the policy process and have begun to push beyond policy implementation into the domain of agenda setting and "rule-making". These advocates display rights-conscious patterns of behaviour that are closer to that of interest or lobby groups than to the typical repertoire of Chinese contentious citizens. The study suggests that this kind of political participation is on the rise amongst Chinese homeowner activists. This result complements and extends other recent findings that suggest the Chinese policy process is gradually opening up. Such a trend could have significant implications and calls for more research in different domains of state-society relations.
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| 4 |
ID:
142185
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Bloomsbury Publishing India Pvt Ltd, 2015.
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| Description |
239p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789385436345
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058404 | 338.951/DAW 058404 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
120631
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Commodity housing has become a major engine of urban restructuring and social change in China. It is alleged to aid growing residential segregation and urban fragmentation. In this context, housing price is viewed as an important sorting mechanism. This article investigates this claim by looking at Guangzhou's housing market and analysing data of 797 commercial housing estates. It analyses the development of commodity housing and the trends of housing prices in the city and maps the locational patterns of high, middle, or low housing affordability within this sector.
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| 6 |
ID:
163767
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| Summary/Abstract |
In July and August 2010, a series of spontaneous “defend-my-mother-tongue” protests took place in Guangzhou. At its climax, thousands of protestors took to the streets to oppose a government proposal to switch local television broadcasts from Cantonese to Mandarin. Unlike other recent mass incidents in China, the “Defend Cantonese” protests mainly involved a place-based identity politics through which participants purported to support maintenance of Cantonese culture without explicit political and material demands. Based on the testimonies of dozens of participants and witnesses, the authors identify three sets of schematic dichotomies that framed the protests: namely, south versus north, local differences versus national uniformity, and conserving traditional Guangzhou versus urban redevelopment. It is argued that underpinning the language movement’s cultural outlook was the participants’ discontent with current politics and distribution of resources. The cultural packaging constitutes a specific tactic through which the actors resisted the authoritarian regime without triggering violent suppression.
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| 7 |
ID:
143103
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Taking the examples of Chinese rural-to-urban migrant and African migrant businesspeople in Guangzhou, this article inquires into the commonalities and differences in the health status and healthcare-seeking practices of both groups. While both populations of migrants are diverse and heterogeneous, there are many commonalities with regard to the challenges they face compared to the Chinese local population. Mixed-methods research frameworks and qualitative and quantitative methods were applied. While existing publications emphasise lacking financial access to healthcare, further individual and social factors account for migrants’ healthcare choices. Their access to healthcare can be improved only by introducing insurance schemes with portable benefits, providing localised and culturally adequate health services adapted to migrants’ specific needs and health risks, and enhancing patient orientation and responsiveness by health professionals.
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| 8 |
ID:
114779
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on global migration flows with Chinese characteristics in terms of African traders sojourning in China. In their case study of low-end globalization, the authors concentrate on the lives and livelihoods of Africans engaging in trade between China and various African countries. Like their Chinese counterparts in Africa, African traders in Hong Kong and Guangzhou, are exclusively interested and engaged in expanding the global flow of goods with Chinese characteristics. Facilitating this particular flow, the authors argue, might one day be regarded as one of China's most significant contributions to the history of globalization.
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| 9 |
ID:
186167
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This article examines the lives of African-Chinese mixed-race children in Guangzhou, China. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the city, the article explores the negotiation of identity and belonging of these children of mixed African and Chinese heritage. Occupying a third space between two or more ethnicities and cultures, mixed African-Chinese children often develop a sense of double consciousness and hybrid identities in response to the Chinese gaze, which denies their Chineseness. The fluidity and hybridity in their identification may facilitate their integration into Chinese society by assisting them in gaining acceptance in different social spaces, such as churches, neighborhoods, and schools, but the structural marginalization they are subject to as liminal people separates them from the mainstream social groups, producing their segregated integration.
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| 10 |
ID:
147747
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author analyzes specific features of integration processes in Southeastern part of Guangdong province (PRC) in recent years. He examines the correlation of the economy scope of three parts of the Delta - Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Zhuhai. The article contains data on the foreign trade of nine cities of the Delta. It shows the leading role of Shenzhen in economic ties of the region with Hong Kong.
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| 11 |
ID:
111583
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| 12 |
ID:
143104
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This article is an exploration into the personal aspirations that converge in Guangzhou’s African music scene. I argue that despite being often traversed, articulated, fuelled, and constrained by economies and economic discourses, aspirations are not necessarily economic or rational calculations. I contend that the overarching trading narrative about “Africans in Guangzhou” has left little space for issues of agency, emotion, and aspiration to be considered in their own right. Drawing on a year of continuous ethnographic fieldwork, I show how aspirations are crucial arenas where the rationales behind transnational mobility are developed, reproduced, and transmitted. Indeed, aspirations can be thought of as “navigational devices” (Appadurai 2004) that help certain individuals reach for their dreams. By bringing the analysis of aspirations to the fore, I intend to provide a more complex and nuanced landscape of the multiple rationales behind African presence in Southern China; promote a better understanding (both conceptually and empirically) of how individuals navigate their social spaces and guide their transnational journeys; and draw attention to the incessant frictions and negotiations between individual aspirations while on the move and the constraints imposed by more structural imperatives.
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| 13 |
ID:
163769
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| Summary/Abstract |
Contrary to the official Chinese rhetoric about vesting more autonomy in public-sector service organizations and distancing them from local state agencies, increasing recentralization and bureaucratization of the service organizations are occurring. As an example, following several rounds of reforms, the public-sector service organizations in the environmental protection system in Guangzhou have either been directly integrated into the city’s Environmental Protection Bureau or brought under greater control by the Bureau. This article examines the process and the underlying reasons and analyzes what this case study explains about important generalizable trends in China’s local state-building.
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| 14 |
ID:
115848
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| 15 |
ID:
114801
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates whether the 22 million or so urban recipients of the Minimum Livelihood Guarantee (the zuidi shenghuo baozhang), whose per capita family income falls below a locally set poverty line, can be called a 'class'. It also explores if they experience 'class consciousness'. It draws on theoretical writings on class and class consciousness, and on some seven dozen unstructured interviews in households of urban dibao recipients in Lanzhou, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and three smaller Hubei cities in 2007-2010, mainly using material from 2010. It finds that, unlike the former working class, while these people do not comprise a 'class' as such, their consciousness of their plight, stripped bare of all the illusions that clouded it in Maoist times-again as distinguished from the bygone working class-is more faithful to their actual circumstances than it is specious.
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| 16 |
ID:
131817
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Urban public space is a product of contestations by various actors. This paper focuses on the conflict between local level government and beggars to address the questions: How and why do government actors refuse or allow beggars access to public space? How and why do beggars appropriate public space to receive alms and adapt their strategies? How does this contestation contribute to the trends of urban public space in today's China? Taking the Southern metropolis of Guangzhou as a case study, I argue that beggars contest expulsion from public space through begging performances. Rising barriers of public space require higher investment in these performances, taking even more resources from the panhandling poor. The trends of public order are not unidirectional, however. Beggars navigate between several contextual borders composed by China's religious renaissance; the discourse on deserving, undeserving, and dangerous beggars; and the moral legitimacy of the government versus the imagination of a successful, "modern," and "civilised" city. This conflict shows the everyday production of "spaces of representation" by government actors on the micro level where economic incentives merge with aspirations for political prestige.
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| 17 |
ID:
163116
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What explains the formation and division of conflict groups? What mechanisms shape the content and direction of factional alliances? This article addresses these questions by re-examining the factional politics and contentious conflicts in Guangzhou in 1967. It has long been recognised that during the Cultural Revolution there was a clear division between factions labelled as "conservative" and "radical", with the former comprised of groups that were relatively favourable to the status quo of Party authority and the latter composed of groups that were opposed to the existing rule. This interpretation, however, cannot withstand scrutiny at close range in light of the more extensive evidence available today. Focusing on the prominent case of Guangzhou, this article argues that the positions of both factions were interactive and strategic in nature. Their rivalry developed as a result of tactical manoeuvres and an ever-shifting set of interactions among local rebels, military authorities and political actors in Beijing, rather than any preexistence of rivalry or ideological differences. The discussion of the implications of a more dynamic interpretation of factional conflicts during the Cultural Revolution enhances our understanding of the contentious politics in Maoist China.
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| 18 |
ID:
145740
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| Summary/Abstract |
Existing literature on China's urbanization focuses primarily on the expansion of cities and towns, with little attention being paid to urban renewals. The wasteful use of urban land has conventionally been attributed to the ambiguous definition and ineffective protection of property rights. This study examines recent practices in urban redevelopment in Guangzhou – a site chosen by the central authorities to pilot urban renewals (sanjiu gaizao). The research identifies a local practice in which institutional changes are made not in the delineation of land property rights but instead in the redistribution of the benefits to be made from land redevelopment. Current users of the land are offered a share of the land conveyance income previously monopolized by the state as an incentive to encourage them to engage in urban renewal. Land-use intensity and efficiency have increased, along with social exclusion and marginalization. Research findings cast doubt over the perceived notion that the uniform and unambiguous definition of property rights is the prerequisite for improved land-use efficiency and call for a critical evaluation of the current urban renewal policies that completely ignore the interests of the migrant population who outnumber local residents by a large margin.
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| 19 |
ID:
138857
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Based on archival and ethnographic research, this paper examines the introduction, nature and implementation of a recent anti-immigrant act in Guangdong province and its implications in the regional, national and international contexts. Chinese state regulation of undocumented African migrants is analyzed with regard to the legal production of African ‘illegality’ in the Guangdong context; the contradictions in the implementation of the Guangdong Act and its unintended consequences; and the discrepancy between anti-African immigrant campaign at the local level and pro-African political ideology at the national and international levels.
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| 20 |
ID:
095825
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2010.
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The surge in automobile use in the Pearl River Delta region has led to a substantial elevation of ambient concentrations of vehicle-based air pollutants. These pollutants have created a region-wide air pollution problem marked by a steady increase in the number of smoggy days in the Delta, presenting a serious threat to public health. Evidence gathered from Guangzhou suggests that the city's strategy for controlling urban air pollution has not been effective in tackling the newly emerging, combustion engine-generated class of pollutants because it is misguided by a highly selective and outdated urban air quality monitoring system. The disarticulation between vehicular emissions and urban emission control measures shows that a central government-prescribed methodology for air quality monitoring can strongly influence the policy priorities and administrative behavior of local government institutions.
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