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| 1 |
ID:
141963
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| Summary/Abstract |
From 1979 until 1992, the United States government intervened in the Salvadoran Civil War to defeat ‘communist revolution,’ establish a moderate, centrist government, and prevent its overthrow. One of the primary means to accomplish American goals in El Salvador rested on a thorough application of counter-insurgency. In particular, American and Salvadoran strategists used civic action programmes to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of Salvadorans and gain their allegiance. In 1983, whilst the war was at its zenith, the Salvadoran military launched an important counter-insurgency effort that attempted to reverse the government’s fortunes. Unfortunately, these plans failed to affect decisively the outcome of the conflict. Regardless, given their failure in the largest American intervention in the post-Vietnam era, they continue to remain a fundamental aspect of American counter-insurgency doctrine.
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| 2 |
ID:
123748
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| Publication |
New York, Columbia University Press, 1987.
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| Description |
314p.Hbk
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| Series |
Studies of the East Asian Institute, Columbia University
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| Standard Number |
0231064365
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057443 | 951.8042/LEV 057443 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
095964
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has throughout its history played a significant role in Southern Asia. China is a large and very populous country. However, China's role throughout its history has been more related to its civilisation and ideas than to its size. There have been wars and invasions, peace and tributes, but the overriding impression that one has of China's role in Southern Asia is that of ideas institutions. When China's century-old revolution culminated in the establishment of a Communist government in China, its role acquired a very crucial dimension. It is in intended to look into more general aspects of what the successful Communist revolution in China has meant and means to Southern Asia.
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| 4 |
ID:
047445
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| Publication |
London, Praeger Publishers, 2000.
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| Description |
xii, 182p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0275959694
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043397 | 909/DEL 043397 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
124767
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, we propose a causal relationship between a region's communist revolutionary legacy before 1949 and the variation in private sector development after 1949. In the case of Zhejiang, the pre-1949 revolutionary experience led to the power struggle between two elite groups, the guerrilla cadre group and the southbound cadre group, in the province after 1949. As the weak side, guerrilla cadres were willing to protect local economic interests in exchange for local popular support, which improved their odds of political survival. As a result, in contrast with counties where the guerrilla forces were historically weak, counties with strong guerrilla forces before 1949 saw significantly more robust private sector development throughout much of the Mao and post-Mao periods. In this article we provide preliminary historical and statistical evidence to support this hypothesis.
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| 6 |
ID:
170988
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| Summary/Abstract |
In response to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936, the British government adopted and maintained a policy of strict non-intervention throughout the conflict. Previous commentators, to varying degrees, have suggested this policy was largely a product of British hostility towards the Spanish Republic and designed to facilitate a victory for the military rebels who would subdue threats of a communist revolution. This analysis argues that historians have exaggerated British concerns about communism and that Britain saw the Republic as a viable political project that it wanted to succeed. Rather than focusing on British perceptions of only left-wing groups in Spain, this analysis also incorporates perceptions of the extreme right and fascist groups. British concerns about Spain’s political polarisation laid the foundations of the policy of non-intervention, which sought to avert risks of the conflict escalating and solidifying the broader ideological polarisation occurring in Europe during the 1930s.
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| 7 |
ID:
100232
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| 8 |
ID:
151964
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the role played by the political indoctrination of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) during China’s socio-economic reforms of 1987–2007. This period was a time of political transition during which the Chinese Communist Party transformed its ideology from a focus on revolution to a self-proclaimed unrivalled single-party regime. This article looks at how the party conveyed this ideological change to the armed forces. One of the four PLA general headquarters/departments, the PLA General Political Department (中国人民解放军总政治部), was responsible for the indoctrination of servicemen and -women. Examining the work of this agency over the 20 years following its major ideological effort in 1987, this article challenges the dominant literature according to which political indoctrination hinders military professionalization. The crux of this argument is that the General Political Department’s purpose behind indoctrination of the armed forces was not only to assert party control but also to build esprit de corps. Based on a series of previously untapped periodicals published by the General Political Department, this analysis contributes to understanding processes of authoritarian resilience in the contemporary Chinese state.
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| 9 |
ID:
113769
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In my youth, I was a worshipper of Mao Zedong. From the latter stage of the Mao Era to the early years of Reform and Opening, I began to reflect on Mao and the Communist Revolution he launched. In recent years I've devoted myself to empirical historical research on Mao, seeking the truth about Mao and China's modern history.
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