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| 1 |
ID:
096120
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many in the media have depicted conflicts between the Western and Muslim worlds as a 'Clash of Civilizations' (CoC), and this has revived many of the questions surrounding the value of Samuel Huntington's CoC theory. Previous empirical tests have analysed his theory using low-level conflict at the interstate level or violent conflict at the subnational level. The former have demonstrated little or no empirical support for his theory, while the results in the latter group are mixed. This analysis adds to previous empirical studies in a number of ways. One, the empirical models test CoC exclusively in the post-Cold War era. Two, along with examining the civilizational determinants of military interstate disputes, as prior studies have done, I include models that focus exclusively on interstate wars, because Huntington frequently points out that a CoC between states will lead to violent political conflict. Finally, this study directly tests Huntington's civilizational 'fault lines' and Islamic 'bloody border' hypotheses. I include an extension and find that intra-civilizational conflict is relatively rare in the post-Cold War era. Contrary to earlier analyses, the data show strong empirical support for CoC, particularly when focusing on violent international conflict in the post-Cold War era, and the results are robust when testing the hypotheses with alternative data on international crises.
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| 2 |
ID:
096118
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Much of the existing literature on the European Union (EU), conflict transformation and border dynamics has been premised on the assumption that the nature of the border determines EU intervention and the consequences that flow from this in terms of EU impact. The article aims to transcend this literature through assessing how domestic interpretations influence EU border transformation in conflict situations, taking Cyprus as a case study. Moreover, the objective is to fuse the literature on EU bordering impact and perceptions of the EU's normative projection in conflict resolution. Pursuing this line of inquiry is an attempt to depart from the notion of borders being constructed solely by unidirectional EU logics of engagement or bordering practices to a conceptualization of the border as co-constituted space, where the interpretations of the EU's normative projections by conflict parties, and the strategies that they pursue, can determine the relative openness of the EU border.
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| 3 |
ID:
096117
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the early 1990s, Norway has been involved in peace promotion in conflicts all over the world. The article explores how this activist peace promotion came to pass, and how it has become naturalized as an integral part of Norway's foreign policy. It adopts a discourse analytic approach with the aim of uncovering the structure of meanings and understandings, the resulting realities and their influence on Norwegian policy. The main conclusion is that the discourse emerging in the wake of the Middle East peace process in 1993 has been dominated by one particular representation of the peace engagement. It inscribes Norway with considerable agency and ability to contribute to peace; it constructs the Norwegian approach as unique and efficient; it lays out a combination of self-interest and altruism as motivation; and it links the peace engagement to the very identity of the Norwegian nation. It thus legitimizes, naturalizes and defends the policy. As such, the dominant representation has been an important precondition for peace efforts. However, the analysis also indicates that the start of a denaturalization of the engagement has been witnessed in recent years.
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| 4 |
ID:
096119
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article probes the importance of various categories of security and economic concerns in EU and US responses to non-compliance with human rights and democracy norms in third countries. Two research questions guide the analysis. First, what concerns influence the determination of EU and US to respond to non-compliance? Second, to what extent is the EU's response pattern different from that of the US? In answering these questions, the article uses bi- and multivariate regression analysis that builds on an original dataset of non-compliance events in over 40 target countries. Findings point to the fact that both actors are influenced, in particular, by similar security concerns, above all geographic proximity and threat-posing regimes. The US, however, responds more often and with more costly instruments to non-compliance and therefore seems to be more receptive to such concerns than the EU.
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| 5 |
ID:
096115
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous work on the dynamics of conflicts where we see terrorism has tended to focus on whether we see shifts in attack mode following government countermeasures. We contend that many factors other than counterinsurgency can influence whether groups resort to terrorism, including competition between groups, as well as their relationship to public opinion and other political events. Hence, understanding terrorist tactics in prolonged conflicts with multiple actors requires us to consider a more general framework of innovation, imitation, competition and dependence between actors. We use disaggregated data on terrorist attacks, counterterrorism and public opinion in the Israel-Palestine conflict to jointly evaluate predictions derived from several conventional theories of strategic behaviour. We find that the strategic calculus of Palestinian groups is complex and cannot be treated as time invariant. Our results suggest that factors such as the degree of public support, inter-group competition, the anticipation of countermeasures and non-trivial non-violent payoffs have an observable effect on the strategic behaviour of the Palestinian groups, and that structural relationships are often far from constant over time.
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