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| 1 |
ID:
136049
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article views the history of the Group of 77 through the lens of its relations with unctad’s establishment in 1964, its unsuccessful struggle for the nieo in the 1970s, and the subsequent loosening of ties. The debt crisis of the 1980s, the Uruguay Round negotiations, and the arrival of the wto are seen as crucial forces unravelling the previously close links. Growing differentiation among developing countries and the changing leadership of the G77 are also cited as important influences on its current relationship with unctad.
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| 2 |
ID:
108144
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Like many states in the Global South, the Australian economy relies heavily on the natural resource sector for a large proportion of its export earnings. Four decades ago, this basic similarity eventually induced Australian governments to become 'fellow travellers' with the G77 quest for a new international economic order. When that quest was put to rest by the rise of neo-liberalism, Australian governments then became fervent believers in free rather than managed trade; but in the contemporary era where neo-liberalism is now a dying policy creed, Australia's current resource boom begs the question of whether the time is now ripe for Canberra to reinvent this role. What the rationales might be for that 'back to the future' policy move is explored in the context of Australia's iron ore trade with China.
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| 3 |
ID:
103023
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| 4 |
ID:
140037
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| 5 |
ID:
086422
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper focuses on the positions taken by civil society organisations that actively campaign on trade policies. Trade campaigners oppose the neo-liberal approach to trade and development and advocate a much more gradual and prudent approach to trade liberalisation. They stress that trade liberalisation will only lead to sustainable development if it respects environmental and social concerns, including the gender dimension of trade; if trade liberalisation is properly owned, prepared and sequenced; adapted to the institutional and economic needs and capacities of the countries and people involved, and accompanied by all necessary flanking measures. Trade campaigners stress the need to maintain policy space and the necessary governance instruments to react to changing circumstances and address social and environmental concerns. They denounce the lack of information, consultation and participation provided by governments in trade policy formulation and negotiations and they campaign to raise awareness and create more room for debate and participation.
This article builds on a paper presented on 19-20 June 2008 at an UNU-CRIS Work Shop in Bruges on "Deep Integration and North-South Free Trade Agreements. EU Strategy for a Global Economy".
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| 6 |
ID:
138059
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| Summary/Abstract |
GERMANY has traditionally been and remains a net exporter of capital. According to UNCTAD estimates, the cumulative amount of German foreign direct investment abroad (outward FDI stock) at the end of 2013 was more than double the stock of foreign direct investment in Germany: $1.7 trillion and $851 billion, respectively.Increasing competition in global markets compels not only large, but also many medium-sized German companies to modify their foreign economic strategy by supplementing traditional exports of goods with an expansion of production facilities and distribution networks in other countries.
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| 7 |
ID:
144959
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| Summary/Abstract |
Its numerous trump cards, on the other hand, allow this global organization to claim the role of an instrument to be used to improve life on Earth. This claim stems from its legitimacy and moral authority that rests on its unique Charter (the backbone of international law), a vast intellectual luggage, a wide sphere of interests and competences, and its ability to attack the hardest problems and talk as an equal to world powers.
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| 8 |
ID:
120412
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This commentary engages with the IBSA model of South-South development assistance. It focuses on the IBSA Trust Fund to demonstrate the growing political relevance of the partnership in development assistance initiatives. This is followed by an analysis of Brazil's increasing participation in South-South development assistance in many developing countries around the world. I argue that the strategic mission for the IBSA states in the coming decades, as a new normative/ordering power in international relations, is to further its political authority and legitimacy by expanding and refining its South-South development assistance framework. This can be done by integrating new thinking on environmental sustainability as a central-albeit neglected-pillar of their common framework.
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| 9 |
ID:
171733
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Review of Maritime Transport (RMT) 2019, published by the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), has projected
a positive outlook for global shipping which is expected to grow at an
annual average growth rate of 3.4 percent for the next five years.2
The
RMT urges states to ‘adopt a multipronged approach’3
to address
shortcomings in port operations, and notes that ‘digitalization and automation
are transforming the shipping sector and requiring new skills’.4
Furthermore,
new technologies and innovations are offering ‘new opportunities to achieve
greater sustainability in shipping and ports, as well as enhanced performance
and efficiency
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| 10 |
ID:
100408
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| 11 |
ID:
014212
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| Publication |
Winter 1992.
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| Description |
159-183
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