|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
096592
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Have workers of minority status suffered labour market discrimination in China? Do all actors in the state sector discriminate against minority workers? What are the rationales for discrimination? To address these questions, I compare two ethnic groups (Han Chinese and Uyghur) with regard to job attainment in the state sector. Data are from a 2005 survey (N = 2,947) conducted in Ürümchi, China. Data analysis shows that controlling background characteristics does not remove the Uyghur-Han difference in job attainment in state firms. However, there is no ethnic variation in employment in redistributive agencies. This contrast is explained with reference to post-1978 market transition and the resulting differentiation in the institutional tasks between state firms and government agencies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
096590
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
assistance in enforcing administrative decisions. Focusing on court enforcement of pollution levies, this study examines how and why ALL has been employed so extensively by administrative agencies, environmental protection bureaus (EPBs) in this context. The study is based on interviews with judges, EPB officials and polluters involved in court actions as well as court statistical data from 1992 to 2005 for Hubei province. EPBs' heavy reliance on court enforcement for collecting pollution levies and fines resulted from incentives that encouraged the formation of mutually beneficial relationships between courts and EPBs in the 1990s. Court involvement has enhanced EPBs' enforcement powers, but the courts' engagement in enforcement has neither curtailed EPBs' arbitrary exercise of discretionary power nor induced polluters to reduce waste discharges.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
096595
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The anti-Unity Sect campaign (1949-53), a precursor to the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries (the zhenfan movement), was one of the Chinese Communists' most violent policies to root out a perceived evil cult in China. This article argues that the drive was never simply a religious crusade. It was essentially a mass mobilization for the purpose of consolidating the Communists' power and legitimacy. Through a host of propaganda channels, including media attacks and public trials, the Communists dealt a crippling blow to the sect. The mobilization campaign turned many citizens into supporters and agents of the government, and its tactics would soon be mimicked in subsequent political movements.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
089773
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article looks at currently bestselling biographies in urban China as popular histories of the national self from 1949 to the present. In their retrospective narrations of the Cultural Revolution and economic reform, they identify a reorientation of life away from ideological community and towards market rationality. I locate this shift also in the history of the publishing industry that produces them and analyse how publishing practices and values have changed from Mao to Jiang, to argue that a reconstitution of the "good" has been effected by the deployment of old rhetorical goals under structurally new conditions. Extended into the broader political arena, this suggests that institutional continuity in contemporary China masks a reconstitution of governance itself, from direct intervention and political control to administrative regulation and commercial competitiveness. Communist revolutionary ambitions are now redefined and fulfilled through economic success in commercial enterprise. Contrary to the prevalent notion that such couplings are contradictory and unsustainable, I argue that a mutually generative relationship currently exists between the two.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
096589
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since the late 19th century many Chinese leaders have studied abroad, mostly in Japan, the US or the former Soviet Union. Recently, thousands are returning from studying overseas. Is this new cohort of returnees more internationalist than Chinese who do not study abroad? If their values differ and they join China's elite, they could influence China's foreign policy. Drawing on surveys of returnees from Japan and Canada over the past 15 years, we compare their views on "co-operative internationalism" and "assertive nationalism" with the attitudes of China's middle class drawn from a nationwide survey in 2006. Our returnees are both more "internationalist" than the middle class and less nationalistic. So they are likely to support China's increasing international role and perhaps constrain China's growing nationalist sentiment.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
096591
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Scholarship on education in China has correctly emphasized the massive inequalities in reform era educational funding. In describing these inequalities, however, scholars have made dubious claims about the supposedly low level of funding for education in China in relation to other countries. In this article, we examine the statistics on which this claim is based and detail the ways in which education is funded in China that do not get counted in the statistics. We conclude that though funding for education in China is unequal, the total level of such funding may not be low. Moreover, the official statistics are not a reliable guide to comparative discussions of educational funding.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
089771
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the transformation of the gendered practice of filial piety in China, which traditionally places sons at the centre and relegates daughters to a peripheral role within their natal families. Based on my ethnographic fieldwork in a rural community in north-eastern China, this article suggests a transformed opinion on filial piety, considering daughters as more filial, as is vividly expressed by the Chinese saying "A daughter is like a little quilted vest to warm her parents' hearts." Meanwhile, elderly parents have modified traditional standards of filial practice to encompass a desire for an expression of intimate care, respect and practical support from adult children. Further examination suggests three major factors contributing to the transformation of the gendered practice of filial piety: reinterpreted intergenerational relations, women's increased filial practice to their natal parents, and an increased desire of the elderly for an emotional bond with their children.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
096594
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article is a case study of state-society-capital conflicts over the preservation of the Central Police Station (CPS) compound in Hong Kong during 2003-08. The conflict was between two fundamentally different approaches to urban space: a cultural economy approach that took culture and space as a source of economic profit, and an opposition discourse of preservation that emphasized cultural, historical and humanistic values as an end. The struggle turned out to be a moderate success for anti-commercialism. Drawing on and extending the notions of collective memory and spatial politics, this article examines how the various civil society actors, in their struggle against commercialism, sought to define and enhance the cultural value of the site through a variety of discourses and practices relating to history and space. It addresses the specific question of why and how certain constructions of collective memory succeed (or fail) to work with certain places in particular instances. The study shows that memories of the CPS compound contained both state-associated and people-associated accounts, between which the former prevailed. The state-associated account was embedded in a familiar, hegemonic story about Hong Kong, which, via an abstract process of symbolization around the notion of the rule of law, successfully turned the compound into an iconic symbol of identification for the city. Beyond this, the civil society actors sought also to generate a sense of lived space associated with the people, and the outcome was mixed.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
089755
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In this study, we argue that the specific process of the proletarianization of Chinese migrant workers contributes to the recent rise of labour protests. Most of the collective actions involve workers' conflict with management at the point of production, while simultaneously entailing labour organizing in dormitories and communities. The type of living space, including workers' dormitories and migrant communities, facilitates collective actions organized not only on bases of locality, ethnicity, gender and peer alliance in a single workplace, but also on attempts to nurture workers' solidarity in a broader sense of a labour oppositional force moving beyond exclusive networks and ties, sometimes even involving cross-factory strike tactics. These collective actions are mostly interest-based, accompanied by a strong anti-foreign capital sentiment and a discourse of workers' rights. By providing detailed cases of workers' strikes in 2004 and 2007, we suggest that the making of a new working class is increasingly conscious of and participating in interest-based or class-oriented labour protests.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
096593
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
An increasingly visible facet of China's commercial diplomacy has been its pursuit of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with small and medium-sized economies outside Asia. China's PTAs, completed or under negotiation, have indicated both a conservative approach and an increasing comfort level with cross-regional trade negotiations. The China-Iceland PTA negotiations since 2006 illustrate this new thinking. Although the island state has a considerably smaller economy, China has perceived the negotiations as being undertaken between equals as well as an important bilateralism model. A successful deal will further demonstrate a new stage in Chinese commercial diplomacy and its approach to bilateral trade as well as a determination to engage the European economy even through a "side door" approach. However, in light of Iceland's banking crisis and deep recession in late 2008, Beijing has also had to address the uncertainties of negotiating with small states in a time of global economic uncertainty.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
089775
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies the development of the Republic of China's (Taiwan) agricultural aid projects to Africa from the 1960s to the present. Beginning with the Vanguard Project in 1961, Taiwan has sought to exchange its intensive rice cultivation techniques for international political recognition. The article looks at a variety of successful and failed assistance endeavours and analyses the motivation and processes behind this development assistance in the context of diverse African farming environments. Instead of insisting on its intensive farming culture, Taiwan has developed a sustainable aid mentality and now uses a hybrid approach that utilizes its cultivation expertise to complement the farming endowments of aid recipients.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
089769
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Many analysts contend that participation in the Sichuan earthquake relief efforts strengthened Chinese civil society. I examine these claims based on interviews with civil society organizations, academics and local officials in Sichuan, and argue that participation in relief efforts has strengthened civil society through increased capacity, publicity and interaction with local government. Conversely, relief efforts also reveal weaknesses in civil society and their governing institutions which inhibit further development, such as the trust and capacity deficit of these organizations. Participation in relief efforts served as a learning process whereby government, society and civil society groups learned how to work together effectively. However, in order to consolidate these gains and further strengthen civil society, there must be greater institutionalization of these groups' roles, increased capacity building, and greater trust between society, groups and the local state.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
096596
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This report presents a portrait of contemporary liberal Chinese journalists. Compared with the national average ten years ago, a typical journalist in Guangzhou is younger, better-educated and more likely to be female, and less likely to be a Communist Party member. The survey shows that the literati value coexists with both the modern professional and Party journalism value during the current journalistic professionalization. Such coexistence results in a complexity in journalists' attitude and behaviour. Journalists tend to be inactively liberal: possessing liberal attitudes but not engaging themselves in action. The survey also reports evidence on the contingency of journalistic behaviour logic. Professional logic shows its popularity when journalists encounter conflicts involving legal, economic and political concerns, but not in cases involving moral or cultural conflicts. Neither professional nor commercial logic is strong enough to oppose political logic when journalists are handling severe political issues.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
089767
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Although the New Co-operative Medical System (NCMS) was expected to operate in all rural Chinese counties by the end of 2008, county governments were given significant leeway in the design of the local programmes. As a result, fundamental characteristics of NCMS programmes vary dramatically between counties. Such heterogeneity in programme design may influence satisfaction with the NCMS in each county, and thus each programme's prospects for success. This article uses survey data collected by the authors to consider five distinct measures of success. We find that households respond favourably to making emigrants eligible for coverage and to lowering the spending threshold for reimbursement eligibility. However, households are less likely to have received reimbursement in counties that require referrals or limit treatment to approved hospitals. Finally, out-of-pocket expenditures associated with catastrophic health care may still be too high to facilitate treatment of the rural poor.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
089776
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines, both in internal and international contexts, the petition of the zhiqing in Xishuangbanna, Yunnan, during the 1978-79 transition. It first shows how a shortage of labour on Xishuangbanna state rubber farms led to the arrival of the zhiqing from other regions. It then reviews their lives and sufferings of these revolutionary youths, followed by an analysis of the petition in terms of its process and result. This article proposes three key reasons for the win-win result: the extraordinary leadership and organization of the zhiqing, factional struggles within the Chinese Communist Party, and the Sino-Vietnamese War. Finally, it attempts to fit this event into recent literature on mass resistance in contemporary China.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
096588
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese media have undergone commercial liberalization during the reform era. Interviews with media practitioners reveal that media reform has brought about three different types of newspapers that differ with respect to their degree of commercial liberalization. Based on a natural experiment during the anti-Japanese protests in Beijing in 2005, this article shows that urban residents found more strongly commercialized newspapers more persuasive than less commercialized newspapers. Provided that the state can enforce press restrictions when needed, commercial liberalization promotes the ability of the state to influence public opinion through the means of the news media.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|