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| 1 |
ID:
124412
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a comprehensive assessment of Canada's prolonged and sizable military engagement in the war in Afghanistan in light of confounding expectations set by realism. It argues, from the perspective of neoclassical realism, that United States unipolarity, domestic elite consensus on an Atlanticist security policy, and executive autonomy vis-Ã -vis public dissent best account for Canada's evolving Afghanistan policy. These necessary conditions can be generalized to apply to past and future allied coalitions of the willing to help make sense of Canada's alliance burden-sharing.
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| 2 |
ID:
125377
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2013.
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When Steve Jobs passed away, experts debated as to why China did not produce its own Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, or Mark Zuckerberg? One contributor to Forbes explained that the emergence of such 'innovative' entrepreneurs "does not blend well with China's culture of Confucian conformity to existing norms. Throughout China's history, the established order saved little respect for inventors, entrepreneurs, and business pioneers." There is some truth in this, but the Confucian conformity added to the Communist bureaucracy and the supreme importance of the Party's diktats is today balanced by a tremendous will to 'innovate' in order to materialise the Chinese Dream. The Indian Dream has unfortunately not even been formulated as yet. It is a great pity because the ingredients (brains) are very much present.
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| 3 |
ID:
107101
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New Delhi, Cambridge University Press, 2011.
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| Description |
x, 345p.
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| Standard Number |
9788175967816, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056218 | 327.73/PAU 056218 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
124413
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While Canadian burden-sharing practices within NATO in the 1990s are well documented, the data in the literature raise two central questions: (1) was the practice of Canadian burden-sharing a one-time event, or was it part of a larger pattern of practices? and (2) what factors motivated Canada to shoulder the burden to the extent that it did? This article studies the extent of Canada's burden-sharing practices in the context of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. The article makes two arguments: first, Canada's commitment to NATO continued to be strong post-9/11; second, Canada's practices of sharing Atlantic burdens can be explained by its adherence to the norm of "external responsibility," which guided its foreign policy by appealing to Canada's humanitarian responsibilities to contribute at an extraordinary level to the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security.
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| 5 |
ID:
126595
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is not often that one comes across academic opinions from Taiwan on issues local and global. This special issue of the China Report titled 'Taiwanese Engagement with the Indo-Pacific' details perceptions of leading scholars from reputed universities and think-tanks in Taiwan on strategic and security issues faced by the island. The discourse on Taiwan's need for security in a constantly changing world is an intensive and engaging arena that throws up voluble insights into the pace, depth, variety and intensity of Cross-Strait relations, engagement with the United States, policy on South China Sea disputes, contestations of external policy in the internal political sphere and relations with other stakeholders of the international system including India.
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| 6 |
ID:
106601
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Assessments of the CIA's role in Latin America during the 1950s have tended to focus predominantly on the twin case studies of Guatemala and Cuba. Consequently, the Agency's role - and, more broadly, that of its head Allen Dulles - has come to be seen as one obsessed with covert action and relatively unimportant in terms of policy discussions. Dulles, in fact, has been portrayed as an unwilling and disinterested participant in policy discussions. The present article will challenge those assertions by suggesting that, by examining Dulles's role in the Eisenhower administration's discussions on Latin America, a different picture emerges - one that paints Dulles as an active and rational participant, and which raises important questions for our understanding of the CIA's role during the Eisenhower era.
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| 7 |
ID:
098710
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| 8 |
ID:
124267
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay, based on the author's talk presenting a recent book, Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East, examines the dynamics of U.S. policy formation on Palestine, mainly through the lens of three "clarifying moments" in the history of U.S. involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The first of these moments concerns efforts to revive and modify the Palestinian autonomy provisions of the 1978 Camp David Accords as an element of the 1982 Reagan Plan. The second examines Israeli-U.S. connivance during 1991-93 Madrid/Washington Palestinian-Israeli negotiations as revealed in confidential documents, and the third focuses on President Barack Obama's retreat during the second half of his first term from positions staked out earlier. More generally, the essay looks at the underpinnings and continuity of U.S. policy and how it has evolved.
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| 9 |
ID:
096867
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the wake of 9/11, President George W. Bush downplayed traditional 'realist' security concerns by defining America's goal as countering threats generated by the internal characteristics of Arab societies. Bush advanced a strategy of regional transformation based on regime change in Iraq and economic, social, and political reform across the Arab world. This strategy, however, failed to address the security interests of regional governments while generating insecurity for Arab societies. To explain these results, the article develops a framework for understanding the Middle East regional system that recognises the role of societal discourses of insecurity and the system's multipolar structure. The framework is used to suggest an alternative strategy for US Middle East policy. Rejecting both a renewed project of regional transformation and a return to neorealism, the paper outlines a strategy based on managing a multipolar, pluralist system.
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