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| 1 |
ID:
081333
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| 2 |
ID:
077852
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| 3 |
ID:
111941
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
ULY 18 marks the 20th anniversary of the Agreement Between the Republic of Argentina and the Federative Republic of Brazil for the Exclusively Peaceful Utilization of Nuclear Energy.
Through this agreement, Argentina and Brazil jointly renounced the development, possession and use of nuclear weapons, affirmed their unequivocal commitment to the exclusively peaceful use of nuclear energy and created the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) in order to monitor the commitments made.
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| 4 |
ID:
086722
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The China factor is arguably the most important element in the anxieties of the past decade over energy and energy induced geopolitical changes around the world. It is, however, highly difficult of this issue, prevalent though they are in the mass media, diplomats venues, and even academic circles.
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| 5 |
ID:
063293
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| 6 |
ID:
127622
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The number of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements surged during the "nuclear renaissance" of the past decade. This proliferation is only partially explained by the prevailing approaches that focus on strategic imperatives. To supplement these explanations, this study draws on neoliberal models of economic competition to posit that bilateral agreement negotiations also exhibit conditions of "uncoordinated interdependence" and maneuvering to gain market share. Case evidence suggests the contours of supplier state bids for civilian assistance are determined at least as much by considerations about economic competition as they are by positive strategic goals. In addition, this study identifies several cases of cooperation where there appears to be little or no strategic motive for export agreements. The study concludes that patterns of economic competition and the influence of peers in defined competitive spaces alter material payoffs and impact policies. It also identifies a surprising role for principled restraint in dampening strategic and economic competition in some dyads.
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| 7 |
ID:
014366
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| Publication |
Nov 21-Dec 4, 1992.
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| Description |
95-96
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| 8 |
ID:
130876
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although its precise definition is contested, the concept of the 'Anglosphere' has grown in political discourse in the past decade. Anglospherist authors have defined it as a group of states tied together on the basis of shared tradition, laws, liberty and language. And yet they do not discuss India substantively, placing it firmly on the outside of its hierarchy. Others have argued the concept is based in a racialised, Anglo-Saxon identity. In 2005, Manmohan Singh surprised some domestic observers by emphasising India's positive connections to the 'English-speaking world' while speaking at Oxford University. Shortly after, India announced negotiations on a civil nuclear agreement with the US, leading to similar agreements with Canada, the UK and Australia. This article uses the contemporary India-US nuclear engagement to investigate India's position in relation to the ideational space of the Anglosphere and how this shapes India-Anglosphere relations. It is argued that India's postcolonial scepticism towards this space combined with the inherent anglocentrism in Anglosphere identity discourse limits India-Anglosphere relations while simultaneously animating nuclear engagement.
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| 9 |
ID:
112986
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| 10 |
ID:
129420
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For nearly two decades, the representatives of the official authorities as well as public and private business entities from both Kazakhstani and Indian sides used to talk about the possibility and even the necessity of trade in strategically important types of raw products, including uranium. However, despite throughout the whole of this period, basic goods constitute the lion's share of Kazakhstan's exports to India, but bilateral trade in uranium still remains open to question. An old saying goes: 'The more you know your counterpart, the easier it is for you to deal with him', which is crucially applied to India and Kazakhstan suffering from the lack of mutual awareness. In this regard, it seems quite important to outline main economic, legislative and other aspects related to the uranium industry in Kazakhstan.
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| 11 |
ID:
125326
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines what theoretical frameworks explain these processes in Asia and what role the second and third biggest economies of the region notably India and Japan play in this scenario. This article looks at how to strengthen India-Japan bilateral cooperation, bolstering this regional dimension to this important and successful partnership. India and Japan are the two Asian major's cooperation and understanding between who is critical in moulding the 21st century as the 'Asian Century'.
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| 12 |
ID:
079865
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| 13 |
ID:
097880
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| 14 |
ID:
064592
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| 15 |
ID:
018206
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| Publication |
2000.
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| Description |
1757-1762
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| 16 |
ID:
073728
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| 17 |
ID:
131601
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran provided the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) with information about the country's past development of a detonator that could be used as a trigger in nuclear weapons, the agency said last month in a quarterly report. The report also found that Iran is complying with the measures outlined in an interim agreement it reached Nov. 24 with six world powers that restricts its nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief. The "technical exchange" with the IAEA on the issues related to possible nuclear weapons development was the first since 2008, the May 23 report said.
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| 18 |
ID:
127860
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) last month signed a framework agreement outlining future cooperation on the agency's investigations into Tehran's past activities that are suspected of having been part of an effort to develop nuclear weapons. The agreement included six initial actions for Iran to take by mid-February 2014 that will provide the IAEA with access to two nuclear sites and information on Iran's planned nuclear power plants and research reactors. IAEA Director-General Yukiya Amano and Ali Akbar Salehi, head of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, signed the agreement in Tehran on Nov. 11. In a statement following the signing, Amano said that "subsequent steps" under the framework would address issues that the six actions do not cover.
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| 19 |
ID:
131454
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The majority of scholarly accounts suggest that Anglo-Americans throughout the era of détente, 1969-1977, were often fraught with difficulties. In particular, the relationship between the Nixon administration and the British government of Edward Heath is often seen as the nadir for the Anglo-American relationship during the Cold War. Nonetheless, elements of the Anglo-American "special relationship," particularly those related to intelligence and nuclear co-operation, are often seen by scholars to have operated outside of these wider political difficulties. By utilising recently declassified documentation from both U.S. and UK archives, it is shown that both intelligence and nuclear co-operation were continually used by the United States as a means of convincing London to follow more amenable policy lines. With Henry Kissinger very much to the fore, it is illustrated how this coercive diplomacy had mixed results in achieving what Washington desired. Ultimately, this policy line would not accomplish what its main adherent, Henry Kissinger, sought.
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| 20 |
ID:
136975
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| Publication |
New Delhi, National Maritime Foundation, 2015.
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| Description |
318p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9788193015919
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058154 | 359/SAK 058154 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 059932 | 359/SAK 059932 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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