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| 1 |
ID:
148195
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the 153rd annual meeting of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine in early May 2016, the Academies’ Committee on Human Rights invited Lisa Anderson, recent past president of the American University in Cairo, dean emerita of Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, and former member of the board of Human Rights Watch, to reflect on current issues surrounding academic freedom. This article is adapted from her remarks.
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| 2 |
ID:
104229
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| Summary/Abstract |
Non-traditional security issues such as energy security have been becoming more and more important in Asia and worldwide in recent years. It is increasingly difficult for a single country to guarantee its energy security in the globalized world of today. Asian countries have made some progress in bilateral and multilateral dialogues to promote cooperation and coordination in the energy field. However, they are still far from establishing a regional architecture of energy security. The Asian countries must therefore make greater efforts to realize a regional mechanism of energy cooperation. In the future, there should be a multi-level (regional, sub-regional, and trans-regional, and bilateral), multi-channel, and multi-model Asian regional architecture of energy security.
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| 3 |
ID:
104230
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Non-traditional security issues such as energy security have been becoming more and more important in Asia and worldwide in recent years. It is increasingly difficult for a single country to guarantee its energy security in the globalized world of today. Asian countries have made some progress in bilateral and multilateral dialogues to promote cooperation and coordination in the energy field. However, they are still far from establishing a regional architecture of energy security. The Asian countries must therefore make greater efforts to realize a regional mechanism of energy cooperation. In the future, there should be a multi-level (regional, sub-regional, and trans-regional, and bilateral), multi-channel, and multi-model Asian regional architecture of energy security.
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| 4 |
ID:
163305
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| Summary/Abstract |
At a rally in Texas last October, U.S. President Donald Trump was delivering his familiar “America first” message, complaining about “corrupt, power-hungry globalists,” when he tried out a new line: “You know, they have a word—it sort of became old-fashioned—it’s called, ‘a nationalist.’ And I say, ‘Really, we’re not supposed to use that word,’” he added, grinning. “You know what I am? I’m a nationalist, OK? I’m a nationalist.” As the crowd cheered, “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Trump nodded. “‘Nationalist’: nothing wrong with it. Use that word
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| 5 |
ID:
133455
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
OXFORD, England-We live in a globalized world where financial developments in one region can have an impact on a vastly different and geographically disparate location. The forces joining them are those of money, wealth, and finance, which are deeply interlinked, or so we tend to think. But the world around us has always been globalized, albeit to different degrees and involving different shades of financial undercurrents. An interesting prism to see this continual globalization is through the role itinerant and global currencies and monetary unions have played.
Money is often defined as "as any object (or record of that object) which is regularly used to make payments according to a law which guarantees its value and ensures its acceptability." Acceptance is thus at the core of any particular object being used as money. The spread of monetary traditions across regions happens because people from diverse locations accept particular monies, in the form of coins, paper, or other instruments, to make payments. The fact that coins can circulate as monetary objects greatly enhances their utility. They enable money to be spent and saved by facilitating their division.
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| 6 |
ID:
144014
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There is no doubt that globalization has established closer economic connections among the world’s countries and diplomacy is playing a central part in the field of trade at the regional as well as international levels. And now economic diplomacy has taken a prominent place in any state’s foreign policy, for instance, Indian foreign policy has taken important measures in the field of economic diplomacy and that is why Make in India initiative has been one of significant aspects of the NDA government.
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| 7 |
ID:
118250
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| 8 |
ID:
153930
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Strong institutions and accountable governments are imperative for any country’s long-term prosperity. Yet the development of such institutions has presented a continuous challenge for many countries around the world. Using Russia as a case, this study brings attention to the unexpected negative impact of global interdependence and shows that institutional arbitrage opportunities have enabled economic actors to solve for institutional weaknesses and constraints in the domestic realm by using foreign institutions, thereby limiting the emergence of a domestic rule of law regime. We argue that such opportunities lower the propensity of asset-holders, normally interested in strong institutions at home, to organize collective action to lobby for better institutions. We demonstrate the main ways through which Russia’s capital-owners make use of foreign legal and financial infrastructures such as capital flight, the use of foreign corporate structures, offshore financial centers, real estate markets, the round-tripping of foreign direct investment, and reliance on foreign law in contract-writing and foreign courts in dispute-resolution.
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| 9 |
ID:
145425
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This paper explains why and how China seeks to continue to promote export-driven industrialization. This way, it comes as a corrective to the widespread assumption that the Chinese government is readying to rebalance its growth from investment and export to more domestic consumption. But the paper also presents an important case of a largely geoeconomics strategy. What explains China’s quest for industry, it finds, is a quest for economic security, economic competitiveness, and more economic independence from large foreign suppliers of capital, brands, and knowhow. What characterizes the consequent policy, the paper goes on, is an increasingly more sophisticated push for exports. China’s aim in that regard is not to undermine the relatively open global market, but to bend the trade flows into its advantage by means of export credit, tax rebates, and so forth.
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| 10 |
ID:
168467
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Human mobility across geopolitical boundaries has been a subject of popular research, in terms of its causes, consequences and regulation. In the age of globalization, migration has become an issue of concern for several states, with seemingly unprecedented numbers of labour migrants and refugees crossing nation-state borders to seek a better life.
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| 11 |
ID:
127014
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2013.
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Diplomats are grappling today with a host of problems in a globalized world: countries are becoming increasingly linked; national boundaries have grown more porous; and borders between internal and external processes are disappearing. The foreign affairs of any country do not stand by themselves anymore, diplomats can no longer be guided exclusively by large-scale geopolitical plans or constructs. The development of any one country and the logic of how its central government is built hinges on the surrounding situation in the same way that the global situation depends on the decisions taken by large - and not so large - countries. And, of course, foreign policy professionals cannot be indifferent to events happening within their countries and to whether these events befit the international context or stand at odds with it.
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| 12 |
ID:
163446
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| Summary/Abstract |
In an era of globalized waste, international environmental law’s main function is not simply to protect and preserve nature and the environment. Rather, it should be conceived of as a set of norms, institutions, and practices designed to manage waste on a global scale.
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| 13 |
ID:
097395
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| Publication |
Gurgaon, ImprintOne, 2010.
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| Description |
vii, 472p.
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| Standard Number |
9788188861088, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055045 | 297/HAS 055045 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
106071
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| 15 |
ID:
131439
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent commentaries on British foreign policy, the New Labour and coalition governments have been criticized for lacking strategic thinking. Academics describe a 'strategy gap' and note that old ideas about Britain's role in the world, such as Churchill's 1948 reference to 'three circles', continue to be recycled. Parliamentarians bemoan the 'uncritical acceptance of these assumptions' that has led to 'a waning of our interests in, and ability to make, National Strategy'. This article argues that a primary problem has been the lack of consideration of how identity, strategy and action interrelate in foreign policy. Using the insights of role theory, the article seeks to address this by outlining six ideal-type role orientations that the UK might fulfil in world politics, namely: isolate, influential (rule of law state), regional partner, thought leader, opportunist-interventionist power and Great Power. By considering how variations in a state's disposition towards the external environment translate into different policy directions, the article aims both to highlight the range of roles available to policy-makers and to emphasize that policy often involves making a choice between them. Failure to recognize this has resulted in role conflicts and policy confusion. In setting out a variety of different role orientations, the author offers a route to introducing a genuine strategic sensibility to policy-making, one that links identity with policy goals and outcomes.
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| 16 |
ID:
131438
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How should ethics and values relate to the British national interest? The idea that ethical commitments to distant non-citizens should occupy a position within British foreign policy was a controversial element of Labour's foreign policy during the early part of their 1997-2010 tenure. Rather than undermining traditional national interest concerns, one of the defining themes within Labour's foreign policy was that values and national interests were becoming increasingly merged in a globalized world. The post-2010 coalition government has made distinct efforts to differentiate themselves from their predecessors, crafting a more pragmatic and national interest-based foreign policy approach. Despite this, significant continuities with Labour's 'ethical dimension' are evident and many associated policies and practices have survived the transition. Moreover, the suggestion that British values and interests are interrelated and mutually reinforcing has been re-asserted, with renewed vigour, by coalition policy-makers. The article traces the ways in which values and interests have become increasingly merged in the language of recent British foreign policy and examines the implications for our understanding of the UK's national interest. It argues that the idea of an almost symbiotic relationship between values and interests is fundamentally unhelpful and makes the case for greater disaggregation of the two. Although a zero-sum game need not exist between core national interests and ethical obligations abroad, the suggestion that they are mutually reinforcing obscures the tensions that frequently arise between these different realms of obligation. Using the examples of failed state stabilization and UK arms trade regulation, the article demonstrates how uncritical acceptance of the values-interests merger risks producing unstable policy formulations.
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