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| 1 |
ID:
097524
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Melodrama, the most popular genre of Yesilcam cinema (1960s Turkish popular cinema), provides a useful source for unravelling the social contradictions and anxieties caused by the Turkish modernization/westernization process, in that the films both construct modernity as a desired state and criticize it as cosmetic westernization. Against this background, this article considers the images of Yesilcam stars both as agents of the ambivalent discourse on modernity in films and as embodiments of truly modern/western lifestyles outside cinema. The article explores the social reception of the stars' off-screen images, based on letters published in two popular cinema magazines of the period. It is observed that rather than fully identifying with the stars' off-screen images and trying to escape to the 'modern' attractive world of the stars, many audience members attempted to bring stars to their own world and back into the traditionalistic and moralistic universe of melodrama. The article interprets these attempts as 'creative adaptations' through which audiences meet, negotiate, and appropriate modernity, of which the cinema and stars are part, in their own fashion.
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| 2 |
ID:
097518
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The air raids against civilian and military targets during the Second World War have been a relatively unexplored chapter in Palestine's tumultuous history. This article examines the circumstances that led the air forces of Italy, Germany and Vichy France to launch attacks against Palestine. It surveys the damage these raids caused and assesses their effect on the country's population. The article raises three central arguments: although the attacks caused considerable damage in Haifa and in Tel Aviv, they failed to alter the course of the war in the Middle East; despite the hostility between Arabs and Jews before and after the war, the period of the air raids saw displays of solidarity between the two communities; and the experiences of the Second World War, including the air raids, played a part in the state-building process of the Yishuv (Jewish community).
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| 3 |
ID:
097520
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the contemporary debate in Muslim-Arab scholarship as to the compatibility of Islam and Western democracy. This debate centres on interpretations of shura, or consultation. The article claims that Islam, as a body of texts, traditions and practices, does not favour or reject any specific system of government. Rather, four main theories on Islam and democracy compete for hegemony: a theory integrating some aspects of Western democracy with shura and rejecting others; a theory dichotomizing shura and democracy; a theory contending that shura is democracy; and a theory legitimizing exiting political orders by defining them as manifestations of shura. The article examines the historical roots of each of these theories and analyzes the social-political roles they play.
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| 4 |
ID:
097523
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers a literary analysis of the novel The Hand, the Land and the Water (Al-Yad wa'l ard aa'l ma'), written by communist intellectual Dhu Nun Ayyub (b.1908). I read this novel in an attempt to analyze the boundaries between Baghdad and countryside (al-rif), as understood by the novel's protagonists, and to underscore the ways in which such boundaries were not only constructed, but also crossed and challenged. The novel conveys many themes that occupied the Iraqi leftist intelligentsia at the time, such as the abuse of peasants by their sheikhs and by the state. It was one of the first fictional representations of the Wathba, and thus can be seen as an endeavour to understand the meanings of this very important moment in Iraqi history.
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| 5 |
ID:
097521
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Until the early 1990s, the Alevi community, a heterodox Islamic sect in Turkey, actively avoided explaining their beliefs to outsiders and were against permitting non-Alevis to enter their cem rituals. By the mid-1990s they began to hold their rituals publicly in the cemevi (lit. cem house) in Turkish cities and in their cultural centres in the diaspora. Almost all Alevi associations or the cemevis in the diaspora and 'at home' have a semah group educated and organized by the executive. As opposed to rural/traditional cem rituals in which everybody may take part in the dance, the semahs performed in the urban cems are carried out by the semah groups consisting of young men and women. Moreover, these semah groups also perform in the non-ritual context. Thus, if the predominance of semah within the Alevi cem ritual is a 'fact' to be studied, then differences in their present interpretations in Turkish cities and in the diaspora is another. This article examines these differences in the context of the transformation of the semah from the representation of religious identity to that of ethno-political identity.
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| 6 |
ID:
097522
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The current study aims to examine the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) from its formation in 1924 through to the present day, and attempts to place the Diyanet appropriately in the context of the prevailing perplexity over state-religion relations in Turkey. It questions Turkish-style secularism and examines the responsibilities, power, and limits of the Diyanet. The Diyanet has undertaken responsibility for making the state's control over religion visible through sermons and publications, helping the state gain legitimacy among religious people. Meanwhile, it has been the Achilles' heel of the republican regime in the sense that religious people found employment in it and some considered this as a way to influence the laicist state from inside.
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| 7 |
ID:
097525
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article first examines Turkish foreign policy shortly prior to and following the nation's military coup in 1960 in the context of its relations with the superpowers of the time, particularly with the USA, and in the face of the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. It then discusses the Menderes administration's search for a multilateral foreign policy and the American response. Focusing on the question of why Turkey was so eager to receive the Jupiter missiles, even though it was already known shortly prior to installation that these missiles constituted a surplus, the article examines the factors shaping Turkey's approach to the missile crisis.
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