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| 1 |
ID:
028691
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| Publication |
London, Macmillan, 1969.
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| Description |
viii, 178p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 001756 | 947.084/CAR 001756 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
155468
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| Summary/Abstract |
The essays collected in this forum discuss the geopolitical legacy of the Russian Revolution of 1917, one of the most momentous political events of the twentieth century. From a range of different academic disciplines and perspectives, the authors consider how the profound transformations in society and politics were refracted through space and geography, and how enduring these refractions proved to be. The authors focus on three themes that have been dominant in Russian affairs over the past century: 1)the problem of center-periphery relations, 2)the civilizational dynamics of Russia’s self-identification in relation to Europe and to Asia, and 3)the geopolitics of national identity.
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| 3 |
ID:
127708
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| Publication |
London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1961.
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| Description |
350p.Hbk
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| Contents |
B
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057576 | 950/PAN 057576 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
173436
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Ukraine crisis is usually treated either as Russia’s return to the old-style empire-building (the right) or as a clash of two imperialisms (the left). However, the essence of this crisis can be understood only from the dual perspective of the consequences of the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian Revolution and the fate of the modern global capitalism. The most rotten sections of the Soviet bureaucracy moved the society to capitalism. However, this effort could secure only a peripheral (Ukraine) or at best semi-peripheral (Russia) position in the capitalist world-system as a provider of cheap raw materials. Meanwhile, modern capitalism led to world economic crisis. In these conditions, the capital of the core capitalist countries obviously decided to strengthen its control over the periphery, and Russia’s aspirations to secure its domination over the former Soviet space were in the way. To thwart them, Western powers decided to provoke a Ukraine crisis, exploiting Ukrainians’ justified indignation at the backwardness and corruption inherent in their own peripheral capitalism. Hence, a study of the properties of the post-Soviet societies and their place in the world hierarchy is the key to understanding the Ukraine crisis.
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| 5 |
ID:
149617
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| Summary/Abstract |
The disintegration of the tsarist police system in 1917 presented contemporaries with the challenge of creating an alternative and defining its purpose. This essay suggests that, despite the radical implications of the militia system that appeared, formal ideas about policing were conventional. Even the Bolsheviks, despite conceptualising the militia as ‘the people in arms’, legislated for a civilian police force that was similar to its predecessors, at least in terms of formally defined functions. The essay also suggests that debates about the militia during 1917 and 1918 are better understood within the wider context of pan-European historical models of policing.
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| 6 |
ID:
050216
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| Publication |
Dehradun, Natraj Publishers, 2003.
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| Description |
352p.
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| Standard Number |
818158001X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047506 | 355.0215/FUL 047506 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
039685
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| Publication |
London, Eyre and spottiswoode, 1963.
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| Description |
3 vol.set; xii, 666p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Vol.3: from the American civil war to the end of the second world war
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005023 | 940.2/FUL 005023 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
174324
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| Summary/Abstract |
This analysis addresses the Council of Ambassadors, a much-neglected body that was composed of Russia’s pre-Revolutionary diplomats following the October Revolution of 1917. Centred in Paris, at the heart of the Russian émigré community, the Council of Ambassadors attempted to assert its authority as the rightful representatives of Russia and engaged with foreign governments. It also took steps to block the recognition of the Bolshevik regime and enlist support for the Whites in the Russian Civil War. Although ultimately unsuccessful, the Council of Ambassadors did continue as the representative of Russia at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and until the Soviets were officially recognised by other Powers in the early 1920s. The study of the Council of Ambassadors raises important questions about the fate of a diplomatic corps following a revolution, and how personal identity within the émigrés tied to their former status. It also sheds light on how other Powers chose to deal with the representatives of a Russia that had been overthrown.
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| 9 |
ID:
155567
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Soviet Union was an empire within which nations old and new developed, changed, and eventually became self-sufficient enough to opt out.
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| 10 |
ID:
105035
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Every revolution is a surprise. Still, the latest Russian Revolution must be counted among the greatest of surprises. In the years leading up to 1991, virtually no Western expert, scholar, official, or politician foresaw the impending collapse of the Soviet Union, and with it one-party dictatorship, the state-owned economy, and the Kremlin's control over its domestic and Eastern European empires. Neither, with one exception, did Soviet dissidents nor, judging by their memoirs, future revolutionaries themselves. When Mikhail Gorbachev became general secretary of the Communist Party in March 1985, none of his contemporaries anticipated a revolutionary crisis. Although there were disagreements over the size and depth of the Soviet system's problems, no one thought them to be life-threatening, at least not anytime soon.
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| 11 |
ID:
161083
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| Summary/Abstract |
DISAPPOINTMENTS caused by the lost chances to start a "new post-Cold War history" of world politics made counterfactual history the latest trend of historical studies. Alexey Arbatov has rightly written: "In the early 1990s, the U.S. had a unique historical chance to lead the creation of a new, multilateral world order together with other centers of power. However, it unwisely lost this chance" thus making wars, crises and misunderstandings between Russia and the West unavoidable.
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| 12 |
ID:
141274
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During the second half of the nineteenth century, British and Russians fought, sometimes violently, in an Asian front that ranged from the Caucasus Mountains to the west to China's Xinjiang Province to the east. This rivalry, known as the Great Game, nearly erupted into a full-scale war in 1885. Following the Russian Revolution and Civil War, the rivalry between the Soviet Union and Great Britain re-emerged. This article describes the Anglo–Soviet rivalry in troubled, war-torn Xinjiang during the 1920s and 1930s, a time when Britain was a declining power and the Soviet Union a new ascendant power.
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| 13 |
ID:
027842
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| Publication |
London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1969.
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| Description |
viii, 406p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
043350270
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005938 | 947.0841/WOL 005938 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
128214
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the topoi of the Young Turk reading of the 1905 Russian Revolution. It argues that the Young Turks considered the 1905 Revolution as a victory against autocratic regimes and as an edificatory example for the Ottoman constitutionalists. This example provided the Young Turks with a mirror in which they saw a model of revolution from below. As such, in addition to encouraging the Young Turks to formulate and re-assess their methods and means of establishing a constitutional regime in the Ottoman Empire, the 1905 Revolution helped them to transform their initially intellectual movement to an effectual political one.
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| 15 |
ID:
025060
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| Publication |
New York, G P Putnam's Sons, 1971.
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| Description |
224p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 008767 | 923.147/TRO 008767 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
175442
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the digital remembrance of the Russian Revolution in the year of its centenary. It examines what memory narratives about 1917 were constructed by leading Russian online media in 2017, in the absence of an overarching narrative about the event imposed by the state. The authors reveal a multiplicity of digital memories about the revolution and discuss their implications for the regime’s stability. It is argued that the flexible nature of digital remembrance does not necessarily challenge authoritarian rule and can even work in its favour by allowing one to target—and satisfy—various sections of a fragmented society.
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| 17 |
ID:
114473
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Late in December 1921, the people's commissariats and other departments of Moscow and Petrograd were informed: "Subscription to the periodicals of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (NKID) is going on. The NKID Bulletin has been replaced with the Mezhdunarodnaia zhizn journal, a much wider publication in which N. Iordansky, M. Litvinov, I. Maysky, M. Pavlovich, K. Radek, and G Chicherin will be personally involved." This was obviously suggested by the new economic policy. The publishing department of NKID deemed it necessary to "inform all Soviet departments as well as Party and public structures that starting with January 1 free distribution of NKID publications will be discontinued... all organizations should subscribe to these editions well in advance." The circular quoted the prices: 2 rubles 65 kopeks in prewar rubles or $2.65 for subscribers abroad.
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| 18 |
ID:
115605
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With an elite that seeks only to protect its own interests, and without any alternative force in society, crisis is the only thing capable of stirring the swamp.
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| 19 |
ID:
158187
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Russian Revolution has turned 100. That is quite a date in history and a good occasion for a profound analysis of the events of 1917. Yet many have the impression that marketing specialists are the only ones to have paid due attention to it; at least they offered a greater amount of publications to the mass readership specially timed for this date. The centenary has not brought about any intellectual outburst, has it?
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| 20 |
ID:
050055
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| Publication |
Hampshire, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.
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| Description |
vii, 120p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
0333994043
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047463 | 909.8350223/SWI 047463 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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