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| 1 |
ID:
168232
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper delves into the rise and decline of Lagos’ China Town and its role as a locus of interactions between Chinese migrants and the Nigerian state. I argue that the rise and fall of Chinese private investment in Lagos’ China Town is explained by the Nigerian state’s adjustment to its own entry into the global market. While some Nigerian government officials formed a shared interest of community with Chinese traders via allowing smuggling and grey customs clearance, others frequently raided China Town in the name of protecting local industries. I also argue that Nigerian traders’ and consumers’ perspectives on substandard made-in-China products differed sharply from those of the Nigerian state and manufacturers.
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| 2 |
ID:
142035
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article focuses on the interface between ethnicity and national security in Nigeria. It critically explores the negative mobilization of ethnicity in Nigeria's fourth republic, and how this has been shaping (and reshaping) the democratization process, particularly in the management of cooperation and conflict over contestations for power and other resources. The re-democratization of Nigeria in 1999 has been preceded with high expectations of meaningful reductions in the high level of insecurity witnessed under the long years of military suzerainty. However, this has not been the case. Rather, what is obtained is an increase in national insecurity on a much larger scale. This article argues that one of the banes of national security in the Nigerian state is ethnic politics, which continues to witness changes in context and character with grave consequences for the future of democracy. The central argument is that ethnicity has always been a major driver of politics and conflicts in Nigeria and the trend is not likely to change anytime soon.
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| 3 |
ID:
174226
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, using documentary analysis, adopts a fresh perspective to understanding why Nigeria, in spite of its exceptional potentials, has not attained hegemonic pre-eminence in Africa. Specifically, it seeks to decipher the central driver of the country’s hegemonic conundrum. It notes and argues that although many endogenous factors, alone or in combination, could have worked and are still at work to undercut Nigeria’s quest for regional hegemony, the central factor is the oil-induced rentier political economy which has not only marginalized the indigenous productive sector, but has also institutionalized rentier culture that had tended to feed into the country’s foreign policy processes and, by extension, diminished its stature in the comity of nations. It concludes that in as much as oil remains the central locus and vertebra of the country’s economy, and the country continues to be presided over by leaders who lack the willpower to strategically diversify the economy and institute effective framework for governing the oil sector, the country’s quest for hegemonic pre-eminence in West Africa is more likely to remain a cherished dream.
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| 4 |
ID:
097748
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores the myriad of reasons responsible for the role of the youth in violence in the Niger Delta region. Based on data drawn from primary studies of community youth groups in four oil-rich communities in Bayelsa and Rivers States and secondary sources, findings reveal that community youth revolt over socio-economic and political deprivation arising from oil exploitation and exploration by multinational oil corporations in collaboration with the Nigerian state. These deprivations and marginalization have transformed youth from merely engaging in community protests to militancy with deleterious consequences threatening the security of the region.
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