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| 1 |
ID:
114956
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The expansion of new media and the advent of Web 2.0 has resulted in dramatic changes in consumers' roles, turning them into 'prosumers': co-participants in cultural production. This essay considers the new situation through analysis of transmedia phenomena produced simultaneously by companies and consumers' activity. The analysis of two Russian transmedial projects: S.T.A.L.K.E.R. and Metro 2033, reveals a paradox in this phenomenon testifying to the mass expansion and boom in creative practices (rooted, to a great extent, in Soviet cultural traditions) and to their total commodification at the same time.
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| 2 |
ID:
097844
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The International Relations (IR) profession has not fully taken stock of the way in which user-driven information technologies-including Blogger, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Wikipedia-are reshaping our professional activities, our subject matter, and even the constitutive rules of the discipline itself. In this study, we reflect on the ways in which our own roles and identities as IR scholars have evolved since the advent of "Web 2.0": the second revolution in communications technology that redefined the relationship between producers and consumers of online information. We focus on two types of new media particularly relevant to the practice and the profession of IR: blogs and social networking sites.
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| 3 |
ID:
119483
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2013.
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The United States has a long history of deploying new technology as a mechanism for public diplomacy (the conduct of foreign policy by engagement with foreign publics) but it was relatively slow to make full use of the on-line technologies known as Web 2.0. This essay reviews the early work of the US Information Agency (1953-1999) in the field of computer and on-line communications, noting the compatibility of a networking approach to USIA's institutional culture. The essay then traces the story forward into the work of the units within the US Department of State which took over public diplomacy functions in 1999. The article argues that this transition deserves a large part of the blame for the difficulty which the risk-averse State Department displayed in embracing first the web and then the full range of qualities associated with Web 2.0. The State Department has emphasized one-way broadcast media rather than two-way relational media and functions connected with listening and exchange diplomacy were subordinated to advocacy. The essay also notes the challenge of a non-diplomatic agency-the Department of Defense-playing a dominant role in digital and other forms of outreach at some points in the process. The essay ends by noting the recent evolution of the State Department's approach to digital media and the emergence of a non-governmental model for American digital outreach (known by the acronym SAGE) which may overcome many of the institutional limits experienced thus far and provide a way to bring together the relational priorities of the New Public Diplomacy with the relational capacities of Web 2.0 technology.
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| 4 |
ID:
100645
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2010.
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his essay reviews the "YouTube war" over the deadly raid on the Mavi Marmara in light of Israel's recent forays into social media. It explores the implications of state use of grassroots media platforms, examines the widespread perception that this has been a fiasco thus far for Israel, and critiques general claims that the rise of Web 2.0 entails a democratic "leveling" effect in information wars like that over Israel-Palestine.
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| 5 |
ID:
102533
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Politicians in democracies the world over have begun enthusiastically adopting and adapting web-based methods for communicating with voters and constituents. This article examines one method, i.e. blogging, in the context of legislators in Taiwan and South Korea, two of the most switched-on democracies in the world. Comparing these cases to each other and to the western cases that dominate the literature, the article provides empirical findings on the scale of uptake and the place of blogging amongst other media. It asks who is blogging, what are they blogging about and are they promoting interaction with constituents?
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| 6 |
ID:
118676
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rise of China's rights defence movement has occurred in tandem with the rapid development of the Internet in China. Various forms of rights defence inside and outside of the courtroom have emerged and developed alongside changes to China's ideological, political, and legal systems and social structure. Similarly, Internet technology such as microblogs and other social media are enriching the modalities of activity in the rights defence movement, enhancing the mobilisation capacity of activists, and accelerating the systematisation of popular rights defence, profoundly affecting China's ongoing political transformation.
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| 7 |
ID:
105351
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2011.
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The proliferation and development of media during the current war in Iraq and the opening of the Iraqi media landscape, which had heretofore been dampened through authoritarian state control and international isolation due to economic sanctions, has played a role in political articulation and identity formation throughout the occupation in a fashion not seen during previous conflicts. The adoption of media tools, emerging as both technology and its applications - often referred to as Web 2.0 - impacted both combatants and civilians caught within the conflict providing them the opportunity to capture and articulate their own experience in a fashion never before available. This investigation points to the potential impacts on current political action, the resourcefulness of opposition access to media, as well as dangers posed through the emotive content most often produced. We argue that while such media production is disassociated from surrounding events (or decontextualised), its nonetheless trusted and impactful due to its viral distribution and sourcing networks and diverse in its impact on those not intimately involved due to its lack of overarching narrative and production away from sites of power.
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| 8 |
ID:
112608
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Jihadist terrorism has discovered in the Internet a valuable instrument to strengthen its activities. However, in using this technology the terrorists are exposed to new vulnerabilities. The Internet plays a leveling role: each new advantageous use it brings is accompanied by a new opportunity to weaken terrorist groups. The present article examines the main vulnerabilities of radical groups who have accorded the Internet a central role in their strategy, namely, less anonymity and security, a loss of content visibility, a major credibility problem, and an undermining of the legitimacy of the terrorist discourse as a consequence of their use of Web 2.0.
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