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| 1 |
ID:
170361
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the role of household poverty in shaping rural female labour supply using the unique panel dataset of India Human Development Survey. The results using Vella and Verbeek’s two-step panel estimation reveal the presence of a backward-sloping labour supply curve for rural women from below poverty line households, and an upward-sloping labour supply for rural women from above poverty line (APL) households. This implies the existence of ‘forced’ or ‘need-based’ participation among poor women and justifies why they work long hours in poorly paid hazardous jobs. The article also finds horizontal labour supply among agriculture wage workers and for Adivasi and Dalit rural women to some extent, reflecting limited job options, and surplus unskilled labour who are unable to demand higher wages for their labour supply. On the other hand, when categorised by occupation type, the downward-sloping labour supply for rural women from APL households indicates the dominance of the income effect over the substitution effect, and the socio-cultural factors that gain strength as income levels increase.
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| 2 |
ID:
086905
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The organisers of the lawyers' movement for the restoration and independence of the judiciary, could not have been accused of niggardliness in promising rewards to the people. From an end to police excesses and loadshedding to the elimination of corruption, unemployment and poverty, the wishlist had a cure for every major social affliction.
But as time passes, the public will discover the virtues of realism and learn to absorb the shocks of disappointment. Except for their expectations of a radical improvement in the justice system in terms that have a meaning for ordinary citizens, especially the poor and the marginalised, the other promises may well remain unfulfilled.
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| 3 |
ID:
110112
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many households and businesses in developing countries are said to face credit constraints which limit their ability to undertake investments in various production-enhancing economic activities required to reduce poverty. This limited access to formal credit is often attributed to the lack of 'acceptable' collateral, resulting from the absence of formally registered land titles. Despite the fact that this assertion is fast gaining ground, land registration has not been found empirically to positively influence access to credit. This article seeks to critically examine the above argument and provide credible theoretical explanations as to why previous studies in the developing world have failed to establish any significant positive link between land registration and access to credit. It is argued that formalising property titles alone will not be enough solve the problem of limited access to credit in the developing world.
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| 4 |
ID:
060979
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Mar 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chancellor Gordon Brown has declared that 2005 will be a milestone in the United Kingdom's campaign to meet the UN Millennium Goals. Owing to Britain's chairmanship of both the G8 and the European Union in 2005, Brown believes that an opportunity to raise the continent's star in global politics presents itself. This comes after the launch in 2004 of the Blair Commission for Africa and a recent spate of high profile interventions by assorted politicians and famous musicians. It also follows a trend begun at the G8 meetings where Africa is placed on the G8 agenda. Such an interest in the continent is to be welcomed. Yet this article contends that Gordon Brown's assumptions regarding Africa's troubles, and the ingredients found within his proposals, are mistaken and need rethinking. The article argues that Brown's approach to Africa's problems is based on incomplete information or a misreading of the situation, and by default may serve to prolong Africa's crises rather than alleviate them.
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| 5 |
ID:
109542
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| 6 |
ID:
103109
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| 7 |
ID:
064781
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| 8 |
ID:
117369
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
FOR MANY DECADES, Africa was and still largely is a continent "full of problems." The problems of resolving existing conflicts and preventing new ones, and eradicating poverty, disease, social inequality, and illiteracy have always been especially acute in the African agenda. By no means all of them are resolved, or resolved to completion. But recent signs from the African South bear witness to an optimistic and ambitious vision for its future. RSA as the most economically developed country in Africa, projecting itself as a regional leader, generates political impulses aimed at strengthening Africa's overall position in the world, promoting regional integration and consolidating African identity as such.
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| 9 |
ID:
163394
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Sub-Saharan Africa’s recent economic boom has raised hopes and expectations to lift the regions’ ‘bottom millions’ out of poverty by 2030. How realistic is that goal? We approach this question by comparing the experiences of three front-runners of region-specific development trajectories – Britain’s capital-intensive, Japan’s labour-intensive, and Ghana’s land-extensive growth path, highlighting some historical analogies that are relevant for Africa, but often overlooked in the current ‘Africa rising’ debate. We draw particular attention to Africa’s demographic boom and the possibilities for a quick transition to labour-intensive export-led industrialization. Although our exercise in diachronic comparative history offers little hope for poverty eradication by 2030, we do see broadened opportunities for sustained African economic growth in the longer term.
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| 10 |
ID:
113283
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa was formed under difficult conditions, facing a Union government bent on extending racist laws and an unsympathetic British government to whom repeated petitions were addressed without success. By the 1930s petitioning had run its course and the organization collapsed. In the 1940s, however, structures were established which laid the basis for mass activities in the following decade. In the 1950s a range of campaigns of resistance gave rise to a large ANC constituency. It also elaborated an alternative democratic vision through adoption of the Freedom Charter in 1955, after a process of lengthy consultation. The document became a rallying point for a range of democratic organizations. After the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 the ANC was banned, but continued to operate illegally. It embarked on short-lived armed activities, leading to the arrest and exile of its leading figures. The years that followed saw further setbacks as the organization sought to establish itself outside, and in small underground units inside, the country. After the Soweto uprising of 1976, many young people joined the ANC's armed wing and carried out attacks on apartheid installations. Significantly, this period also saw the revival of mass public political activities on an unprecedented scale. A combination of internal and external pressures against apartheid paved the way for negotiations, resulting in democratic elections in 1994. The ANC now governs, having fundamentally, albeit unevenly, transformed the lives of many-but continued poverty, unemployment, extensive corruption and criminality risk leading to a deep systemic crisis affecting governance as a whole.
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| 11 |
ID:
098083
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the ways in which the British campaign coalition Make Poverty History represented Africa throughout 2005. Focusing particularly on the G8 Gleneagles summit, Make Poverty History (MPH) asserted a series of justice claims which had no geographical reference. Nevertheless, as a result of internal tensions within the coalition, and especially as a result of the ways in which MPH interacted with other political agencies as the summit approached, MPH's messages became increasingly interpolated by references to Africa as a result of the emergence of government, media, and celebrity involvement. The result of this was that global poverty increasingly became an African issue. As 2005 became the 'Year of Africa', the justice messages that constituted MPH were largely effaced by the more familiar imperial legacy which represents Africa as a place of indigence in need of outside assistance.
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| 12 |
ID:
119662
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sub-Saharan Africa's GDP has grown five percent a year since 2000 and is expected to grow even faster in the future. Although pessimists are quick to point out that this growth has followed increases in commodities prices, the success of recent political reforms and the increased openness of African societies give the region a good chance of sustaining its boom for years to come.
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| 13 |
ID:
078034
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The overall goal of this paper is to examine the impacts of trade liberalization on China's agriculture, in general, and poverty, in particular. The impacts on agriculture are analyzed by commodity and by region. Because different farmers (especially those in different income brackets) produce diverse sets of commodities, the main part of our paper analyzes the effects on households and their implications for the poverty through the simulation of household production and consumption changes in response to the trade-induced market prices changes on a disaggregated (by province), household-level basis. The results of our analysis lead to the conclusion that, unlike fears expressed in the popular press and by some scholars, the positive impacts of trade liberalization are actually greater than the negative ones. Although other effects on the rural economy from trade liberalization of other subsectors (such as textiles) may be equally large or even larger, this study's focus on the agricultural sector shows that there will be an impact from agricultural trade liberalization and that the net impact is positive for the average farm household in China. However, policymakers still need to be concerned. Not all households and not all commodities will be treated equally. Our findings show that poorer households, especially those in the provinces in the western parts of China, will be hurt. The main reason is that the farmers in Western China are currently producing commodities that are receiving positive rates of protection, rates of protection that will fall with additional trade liberalization. Hence, if policy makers want to minimize the impacts, there needs to be an effort to minimize the effect on these households either by direct assistance or by eliminating constraints that are keeping households from becoming more efficient by shifting their production more towards those commodities that will benefit from trade liberalization
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| 14 |
ID:
088356
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the effects of household-level activity choices on farm household welfare in a developing country affected by mass violent armed conflict. The study uses household survey data from postwar Nampula and Cabo Delgado provinces in Northern Mozambique capturing many activity choices, including market participation, risk and activity diversification, cotton adoption, and social exchange, as well as income-and consumption-based measures of welfare. The study advances the literature on postwar coping and rural poverty at the micro level by estimating potentially endogenous activity choices and welfare outcomes using instrumental variables. The study finds that increasing the cultivated area and on-farm activities enhances postwar welfare of smallholders exploiting wartime survival techniques. Subsistence farming reduces income but does not affect consumption, while market participation has positive welfare effects. This suggests that postwar reconstruction policies should encourage the wartime crop mix but offer enhanced marketing opportunities for such crops. Cotton adoption, which was promoted by aid agencies in the postwar period, reduces household welfare per capita by between 16% and 31%, controlling for market access. This contradicts previous studies of postwar rural development that did not control for the war-related endogeneity. Hence, addressing the potential endogeneity of activity choices is important because the standard regression approach may lead to biased estimates of the impact of activity choice on welfare, which in turn may lead to biased policy advice. The article discusses and contextualizes these findings, concluding with a discussion of suitable pro-poor reconstruction policies for national governments and donors.
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| 15 |
ID:
118931
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| 16 |
ID:
034348
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| Publication |
London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1970.
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| Description |
xi, 128p.
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| Series |
Library of social policy and administration
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005026 | 362.570973/JAM 005026 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
098126
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| 18 |
ID:
132093
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| 19 |
ID:
131235
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| 20 |
ID:
039305
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| Edition |
Vol 2
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| Publication |
London, Allen Lane the Penguin press, 1968.
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| Description |
xv, 1530p.
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| Series |
Twentieth Century Fund Study
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000873 | 330.95/MYR 000873 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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