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| 1 |
ID:
123357
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although July's electoral victory was a necessary condition for pushing Abe's economic program forward, a closer look at the election results and the prime minister's current political positioning reveals a number of challenges ahead."
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| 2 |
ID:
106117
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| 3 |
ID:
096592
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2010.
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Have workers of minority status suffered labour market discrimination in China? Do all actors in the state sector discriminate against minority workers? What are the rationales for discrimination? To address these questions, I compare two ethnic groups (Han Chinese and Uyghur) with regard to job attainment in the state sector. Data are from a 2005 survey (N = 2,947) conducted in Ürümchi, China. Data analysis shows that controlling background characteristics does not remove the Uyghur-Han difference in job attainment in state firms. However, there is no ethnic variation in employment in redistributive agencies. This contrast is explained with reference to post-1978 market transition and the resulting differentiation in the institutional tasks between state firms and government agencies.
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| 4 |
ID:
134217
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the motivation determining the European Union's (EU) aid allocation to Vietnam. Existing literature and EU official documents are used to build upon four models with respect to new aid allocation: donor interest, recipient interest, recipient capacity and potential donor influence. The paper concludes that the EU's aid policy in Vietnam has a long-term objective in conformity with Vietnam's development strategy-poverty alleviation. Moreover, the EU's political and economic interests, a successful economic reform and development strategy, a high level of ownership (good governance) and potential donor influence are identified as contributions to make Vietnam an 'aid darling'.
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| 5 |
ID:
131492
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Among scholars, delegation of power to the US president in 1934 is widely believed to have been a necessary requisite for tariff reductions in ensuing years. According to conventional wisdom, delegation to the president sheltered Congress from constituent pressure thereby facilitating the opening of the US economy and the emergence of the United States as a world power. This article suggests a revision to our understanding of just how that occurred. Through a close study of the US tariff schedule between 1928 and 1964, focusing on highly protected products, we examine which products were subject to liberalization and at what time. After 1934, delegation led to a change in trade policy, not because Congress gave up their constitutional prerogative in this domain but because presidents were able to target the potential economic dislocation that derives from import competition to avoid the creation of a congressional majority willing to halt the trade agreements program.
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| 6 |
ID:
137448
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| 7 |
ID:
160032
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Policy initiatives and regulatory changes made during the last two-and-half decades of economic reforms have led to a considerable increase in the number of mergers and acquisitions (M&As) in the Indian corporate sector. Given the policy-induced flexibilities, while the domestic firms have taken the route of mergers to restructure their business and grow, the foreign firms have preferred to enter into specific markets through acquisitions and raise monopoly power therein. In this context, the present article attempts to examine the impact of M&As on market the structure in major industries of the Indian manufacturing sector during the post-reform period. Using a panel dataset of 34 major industries for the period 2001–2009, the article finds that M&As do not necessarily cause any appreciable adverse impact on market concentration. Instead, the degrees of sellers’ concentration are influenced by the growth of market, capital intensity, firms’ advertising efforts and their financial performance. The findings of the present article, therefore, suggest for a rethink on policies and regulations relating to M&A, international trade and intellectual property, as they play a significant role in enhancing firms’ competitiveness and restricting the emergence of a monopolistic power.
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| 8 |
ID:
128533
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
An introduction is presented to a section of articles on the topic of India's social policies in which the author discusses the country's welfare legislation and their Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettiement Bill (LARRB).
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| 9 |
ID:
073319
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2006.
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Small-scale industries (SSIs) have been important for India's economic development due to their contribution to production, employment, exports, and investments in the private sector. National- and state-level economic reforms since July 1991, and India's commitments to honouring the disciplines under World Trade Organization (WTO) agreements since January 1995, have added new policies and programmes for promotion, regulation and development of India's SSIs. Full awareness of the policies and programmes for all the SSIs has been an essential requirement to exploit the opportunities and meet with challenges under these policy regimes. In the light of this requirement, this article analyses the nature and extent of awareness of select policies and programmes under the new policy regimes in India, based on a case study (or sample survey in 2001-2) of 373 manufacturing SSIs in Karnataka State (India). The empirical results: (1) offer evidence for spatial variations in the awareness by policies and programmes and by sector-specific WTO agreements; and (2) imply a policy need for effective awareness programmes as a precondition for equalizing the benefits of new policy regimes for all the SSIs. The results and implications of this case study are of relevance for design and implementation of current and future awareness policies for the SSIs at the national and sub-national levels in India as well as in other developing countries.
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| 10 |
ID:
132573
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2014.
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For fifty years Myanmar has been without a properly functioning financial system. This absence has been a significant brake on the efficacy of reform in Myanmar, on foreign investment, and on the ability of Myanmar firms to raise the capital they need to grow and prosper. Since 2011, however, critical but limited reforms have been put in place by Myanmar's new government. These include reforms to Myanmar's exchange rate arrangements, and the granting of a degree of formal autonomy to the country's central bank. Other reforms, pending but not yet implemented, include allowing a role for foreign banks, and making changes to the broader regulatory arrangements that currently greatly constrain the operations of Myanmar's banks. In recent times much progress has been made in creating the financial institutions Myanmar needs to achieve transformational growth, but much remains to be done.
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| 11 |
ID:
071013
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2005.
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This article challenges the all-too-common assumption in the literature on Vietnam that Ho Chi Minh City's political economy has evolved differently from the rest of the country since the economic reforms of the late 1980s. Questioning the association of Ho Chi Minh City with reform, the article charts the rise of new state business interests and the growth of the "gatekeeping" state in the city during the 1990s, as party-state institutions moved to exploit new opportunities that emerged with the dismantling of the central plan and the growth of the market economy. In light of this characterization, the article argues that rather than seeing the city as set apart from the rest of Vietnam we can speak of a "common reform political economy." If correct, this position casts doubt on existing literature, which commonly explains Ho Chi Minh City's supposedly distinctive evolution under reform with reference to its unique pre-1975 history, especially the period from 1954 to 1975 when the country was divided along the seventeenth parallel. Asking how we might marry the fact ofHoChi Minh City's distinctive history with the reality of its un-distinctive evolution under reform, the article concludes by calling for a rethink not only of the legacy of 1954-75 for Ho Chi Minh City's latter-day development but also of the way in which the city's shorter period under central planning nevertheless left its mark.
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| 12 |
ID:
126516
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The conventional wisdom in the literature on aid allocation suggests that donors utilize bilateral aid as a tool to buy influence in the aid-receiving country. Those who conclude that aid is driven by donor self-interest focus on government-to-government aid transfers. However, this approach overlooks important variation in delivery tactics: Bilateral donors frequently provide aid to nonstate actors. This paper argues that donors resort to delivery tactics that increase the likelihood of aid achieving its intended outcome. In poorly governed recipient countries, donors bypass recipient governments and deliver more aid through nonstate actors, all else equal. In recipient countries with higher governance quality, donors engage the government and give more aid through the government-to-government channel. Using OLS and Probit regressions, I find empirical support for this argument. Understanding the determinants of donor delivery tactics has important implications for assessing aid effectiveness.
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| 13 |
ID:
131999
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What is China's international identity? How has it changed over time, especially since the reform and opening up of the country in the late 1970s? How does China see itself? And how do other countries see China? I argue that answers to these questions are instrumental to a proper understanding of Chinese foreign-policy behaviour, in ways more significant than we normally assume. To advance this argument, I choose to examine China's social interactions with the outside world to ascertain the evolution of its international identity/identities. I shall trace the domestic sources of China's external policies. In so doing, I hope this article will elucidate the 'debates' between social constructivism and realism as to their relative explanatory power with respect to the making of Chinese international identity. I also hope it will throw light on a possible alternative framework, known as social evolution, for studying China's international relations and its evolving identities.
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| 14 |
ID:
125267
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is important to recognize how successful the U.S.-ROK Alliance has been for the past sixty years in deterring North Korea from attempting to unify the Korean Peninsula by force. This paper addresses Korea's unique status and examines its strong presence in meeting commitments to the international community. The future will require alliance-based cooperation with international partners to address challenges posed by the proliferation of WMD, which is one among many. In the end, however, the U.S.-ROK Alliance will only grow stronger, enhancing stability and security on the Peninsula.
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| 15 |
ID:
086485
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last four decades, Chile has evolved from a slow-growing state-directed economy into a fast-growing market-oriented one, attesting to its success in implementing comprehensive neo-liberal economic reforms. At least three policy conclusions emerge from the delineation of Chile's economic transformation trajectory.
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| 16 |
ID:
054212
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| Publication |
Westport, Praeger, 2004.
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| Description |
x, 174p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0275960803
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048704 | 951.050922/ALF 048704 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
107044
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Gambetta's theoretical framework focuses on two important aspects directly relating to the birth and development of mafias, namely a demand for private protection and a supply of the same. In the Post-Mao era, China started its transition from a centrally controlled economy to a market-directed economy by adopting reform and opening-up policies. The widespread creation of property rights has exponentially enlarged the demand for protection. However, property rights are ambiguously defined in the Chinese legal system, and the state is unable and unwilling to provide efficient and sufficient law enforcement mechanisms for needy people because of the rampant corruption of government officials and the weak judicial system. In this case, the mafia that is interested in the private provision of protection developed into an alternative enforcement mechanism for 'securing' property rights in China's economic transition. The most important service offered by the mafia in China is not only to assist business enterprises in monopolising the market, but also to assist local government in China's economic reform.
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| 18 |
ID:
133899
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Integration with global market economy expanded India's relationship with a wide range of countries across continents. It should be sustained and expanded along with the regional cooperation forums to strengthen economy and territorial as well as human security.(38) SAARC is the first in the series of regional cooperation organizations preceding economic reforms in India. At the moment except ASEAN and BRICS all other institutions have a lackluster performance.
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| 19 |
ID:
124877
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India has, over the last decade or so, been a bit player in Afghanistan, and its influence on political developments there has been marginal. Accordingly, it has been on the fringes of international consultations on Afghanistan. It is not surprising, therefore, that its bitter opposition to talks with the Taliban was ignored. In comparison, Pakistan has been a much more important player and exercised far more influence than India at regional and international fora in the evolution of policies pertaining to Afghanistan. This is partially explicable by Pakistan's extensive border with Afghanistan, age old tribal links, deep rooted linkages with the Taliban, the Haqqani group and Al Qaeda, and a long and tortured history of incessant interference in that country. India's comparative lack of influence is due to the fact that though it has been proactive in bilateral diplomacy vis-à-vis the government of Afghanistan, it has been relatively inactive in reaching out to all shades of opinion in that country, maintaining close contacts with all key external players, and devising innovative and workable strategies for restoring peace and tranquillity in Afghanistan. It is time that India sheds its comparatively reticent posture on Afghanistan and becomes more involved on issues relating to developments there, as otherwise Pakistan will retain its dominant influence, which will obviously work to our detriment.
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| 20 |
ID:
001097
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| Publication |
DelhI, Madhyam Books, 1996.
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| Description |
103p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 040594 | 338.9/VYA 040594 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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