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| 1 |
ID:
098591
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The data from the project "Conviver," launched in 2006 in Belo Horizonte (Brazil), provides a unique opportunity to study illegal electricity connections. Based on an original dataset of 15,279 low-income households, this paper studies the incidence and determinants of illegality in the context of low-income urban favelas. The probability of engaging in illegal behavior is explained not just by low income, but by a combination of concurring factors: sub-standard energy provision and equipment; inefficient/incorrect use of domestic electric appliances and running an informal in-house business. These recurrent issues in the urban favelas aggravate a sense of exclusion from growth, which is generally recognized as a trigger of illegality. The impact of energy demand on energy-related illegality is carefully analyzed, and different empirical strategies adopted to circumvent some simultaneity problem between both decision processes. The effectiveness of consumption-based energy subsidies is also explored. In spite of some contrary arguments in the literature, in the context of peri-urban slums, such measures may exert a positive impact in mitigating illegal access and use of energy. Effectiveness will be enhanced by accompanying measures such as: perceivable improvements of equipment, metering and maintenance, promotion of beneficiaries' awareness of energy usage, and energy-saving behaviors.
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| 2 |
ID:
136968
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyzes defense spending preferences using ordered logit regression analysis of American National Election Survey data from 1980 through 2008. Our results indicate that as opposed to having the ideology of isolationism, political party identification towards the Republican Party or having economic stakes in defense spending always play a significant role in increased preference towards defense spending. Demographic groups such as Native Americans, Hispanics, and retired women, a demographic subgroup, display generally positive preferences towards defense spending. Somewhat surprisingly, another demographic subgroup, ‘security moms,’ do not show a preference. Our analysis also displays lower (higher) preference in the early 1990s (2000s) for defense spending compared to the year 2008.
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