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| 1 |
ID:
113019
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Social constructivist theories regard the nation as 'imagined' (Anderson), 'invented' (Hobsbawm and Ranger), and 'narrated' (Bhabha). National narratives use mass rituals, performances, and selective national history to reinvigorate collective identity. This article examines the 1910 centennial festivities in Chile as a collective and discursive quest for national identity in a changing society longing for stability. The article uses a discourse analysis approach to study a series of Chilean national history abstracts and coverage of the centennial festivities as presented in Zig-Zag, the most relevant political magazine at the time. The study finds that selective memory and mass ritual discourse are a constitutive part of national identity. Through the process of selective memory, the sources depict Chilean history as a series of linear, coherent, and meaningful events to foster collective identification with the nation. The images of mass ritual discourse of the centennial celebrations reinforce common national characteristics and confidence in the nation. Mass performances provide emotional self-affirmation and an endowment of meaning for individuals within their national group as they restage current national membership with reference to a common past. The study identifies themes of national representation along which the nation is narrated, and suggests that this typology can be generalised beyond the case of Chile. In doing so, this article underscores the need for further research on the concept of discursive national identity formation and its relevance in contemporary politics.
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| 2 |
ID:
137366
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This Xinjiang Class is a four-year, national-level boarding school program established by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the year 2000. The overarching aim of the program is clear: the CCP intends to train a core group of young Uyghurs who have internalized the ideals of the Party. This article, which is based on interviews and regular interaction with over 60 graduates of the Xinjiang Class, casts doubt on whether the boarding schools have been effective in ‘interpellating’ young Uyghurs as compliant members of the Chinese Nation (Zhonghua minzu). This article contends that Uyghur graduates of the Xinjiang Class have instead embraced a non-Chinese ethno-national identity—an identity bound by Central Asian and Islamic cultural norms—and have largely rejected the Zhonghua minzu identity.
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| 3 |
ID:
155468
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| Summary/Abstract |
The essays collected in this forum discuss the geopolitical legacy of the Russian Revolution of 1917, one of the most momentous political events of the twentieth century. From a range of different academic disciplines and perspectives, the authors consider how the profound transformations in society and politics were refracted through space and geography, and how enduring these refractions proved to be. The authors focus on three themes that have been dominant in Russian affairs over the past century: 1)the problem of center-periphery relations, 2)the civilizational dynamics of Russia’s self-identification in relation to Europe and to Asia, and 3)the geopolitics of national identity.
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| 4 |
ID:
133960
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates how a collective memory of trauma was produced in the course of commemorating the 2-28 Incident in the context of the 2004 election campaign, and how this memory production led to the parallel formation of a Taiwanese national identity. The 2-28 Hand-in-Hand Rally was designed to remember the 2-28 Incident as a historical trauma in order to be forgotten. The remembering of the 2-28 Incident must be regarded as a constructive process as opposed to a retrieval process. The memory of the 2-28 Incident was selectively constituted in favor of sovereign power.
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| 5 |
ID:
104114
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article deals with the connection between nationality and democracy and explores the role Switzerland plays in the scholarly debate on this question. It identifies three main theses - liberal-nationalist, liberal-multinationalist and liberal-postnationalist - and shows that each of them uses the Swiss case to claim empirical support. It then analyses the connections between nationality and democracy in Switzerland and demonstrates that the country is neither multinational nor postnational, but is best characterised as a mononational state. These findings expose the fallacy of using Switzerland to claim support for either the multinational or the postnational thesis and call for a reconsideration of them. Additionally, they show that "civic nationalism" and "civic republicanism" can be conflated and that a predominantly civic nation is viable and sustainable and is not necessarily an ethnic nation in disguise. The Swiss case thus provides qualified empirical support for the liberal-nationalist thesis.
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| 6 |
ID:
113594
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| 7 |
ID:
027732
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| Publication |
DelhI, Ajanta Publications, 1984.
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| Description |
viii, 314p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 024897 | 958.1/GOY 024897 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
140162
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| Publication |
DelhI, Ajanta Publications, 1984.
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| Description |
viii, 314p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 024970 | 958.1/GOY 024970 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
074886
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Disputes about Czech history are often contestations between different contemporary political projects. Their success or failure has an impact on the Czech national identity. This article shows how the Velvet Revolution of 1989 reinforced the traditional self-perception of Czechs as a cultured, democratic and peaceful nation that can deal with conflicts in a civilized manner. The limitations of this nationalist myth are discussed, as is their impact on current political agendas.
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| 10 |
ID:
082707
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2008.
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The paper examines the Dutch humanitarian response to the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake through the lens of geopolitics. It analyses the ways geopolitical representations shape non-state collective action, in this case the relief effort to help victims of the tsunami of 26 December 2004. Drawing on earlier work on geopolitical visions and national identity, the paper develops a framework to study people's geopolitics, the geopolitics of non-state collective actions. These insights are further explored through an examination of the Dutch tsunami relief effort. The paper discusses how the Dutch media framed this collective action as a national effort and articulated a sense of proximity and responsibility to mobilise people's generosity. Dutch geopolitical vision and national identity (water as a major threat to the national territory, the country's role as development aid donor, its relation to the regions affected) offer a frame to mobilise people. The tsunami is also analysed as a critical event for Dutch geopolitical representations and the tsunami relief effort as a peak experience providing a sense of recovered national identity in times when Dutch society was painfully divided between Muslims and non-Muslims after the murder of Theo van Gogh in November 2004. The concluding section discusses directions for further research into people's geopolitics.
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| 11 |
ID:
077004
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article combats the empirical deficiencies, theoretical lacunae, and normative biases that beset the literature on nationalism. It focuses on the context of Catalonia in Spain. It documents the diffusion of divergent modes of national identification across different segments of Catalan society. It employs such thick-descriptive detail to challenge the dominant depiction of Catalan nationalism as a "civic nationalism." It demonstrates that the social bases of support for the Catalan nationalist movement are overwhelmingly "ethnic," and that the movement is an elite-led, "top down" project. In addition, it critiques the ideal-typical distinction between "civic" and "ethnic" nationalisms upon which the dominant depiction of Catalan nationalism is based, and it advances an alternative typological distinction between "exclusionary" and "assimilationist" nationalist projects
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| 12 |
ID:
170794
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The legendary carrier battles of World War II symbolise the utility and
varied missions of sea-based aviation. The aircraft carrier has played
a vital role in naval affairs ever since, continuing to demonstrate its
diverse capabilities in various combat operations since 1945. The
carrier has retained its standing, both as an operational requirement
and as a symbol of national prestige, making it an essential component
of navies and indispensable to their strategic interests.
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| 13 |
ID:
072193
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| 14 |
ID:
185759
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| Summary/Abstract |
The civil war that erupted in November 2020 in Ethiopia was a culmination of several overlapping, long-running conflicts. The main conflict involves the nature of the Ethiopian state: whether it should be a unified structure reflecting a singular national identity, or a multiethnic federal system preserving autonomy for regional states. The discrete conflicts involve tensions between the central state and the regional states of Tigray and Oromo; territorial disputes between different ethnic groups; and an old rivalry between the regime of neighboring Eritrea and the ruling party in Tigray. The complex layers of the war make peace all the more elusive.
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| 15 |
ID:
113397
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How can scholars of Sudan now write about the landmass still called "Sudan"? What do we mean when we use the word? How can the name, which denotes a whole, encompass the fragments that make up its official boundaries? For the last several years, events in Sudan have been changing more rapidly than we Sudanists can analyze them or than Sudanese themselves can process them. Now, in its truncated form, delineating national identity-always problematic in the past-becomes far more complex. Considering extant cultural flows of art, language, customs, and religion, the dividing lines are, at best, dubious. A number of events are transpiring at the moment of writing this brief essay that have changed and will continue to change the future of not just one country but now two. For example, nothing is resolved in Darfur (in western Sudan), with peace talks stalled, more violence being perpetrated by the northern central government and its proxies, guerilla groups proliferating and battling among themselves, and a probable link among some Darfur groups and South Sudan forces.
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| 16 |
ID:
050930
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Jan-Apr 2004.
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| 17 |
ID:
123821
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| 18 |
ID:
168183
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on ethnographic research of France’s North African second-generation, I bring together literatures on racial formation, whiteness, and race and racism in Europe to discuss how whiteness operates in French society. I discuss how respondents must navigate a supposedly colorblind society in which whiteness is default. Because these individuals are racialized as non-white, they are not seen as French by others. I discuss how they wrestle with definitions of French identity as white and full belonging in French society as centered on whiteness. I argue that salience of whiteness is part of France’s racial project in which differences among individuals are marked without explicit state-sanctioned racial and ethnic categories. This has implications for considering how whiteness is crucial to understanding European identity more broadly, including through the rise of the Far-Right, the recent Brexit and Leave campaigns, and anti-immigration sentiment throughout Western Europe.
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| 19 |
ID:
167649
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on ethnographic research of France’s North African second-generation, I bring together literatures on racial formation, whiteness, and race and racism in Europe to discuss how whiteness operates in French society. I discuss how respondents must navigate a supposedly colorblind society in which whiteness is default. Because these individuals are racialized as non-white, they are not seen as French by others. I discuss how they wrestle with definitions of French identity as white and full belonging in French society as centered on whiteness. I argue that salience of whiteness is part of France’s racial project in which differences among individuals are marked without explicit state-sanctioned racial and ethnic categories. This has implications for considering how whiteness is crucial to understanding European identity more broadly, including through the rise of the Far-Right, the recent Brexit and Leave campaigns, and anti-immigration sentiment throughout Western Europe.
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| 20 |
ID:
090577
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| Publication |
2009.
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Drawing on field research conducted between 2002 and 2008, including interviews with leading Turkmen 'court' artists and sculptors, personal observation of official events, and analysis of regime texts, this essay seeks to explore the intersections between official history, commemorative strategy, community memory, public sculpture and geopolitics in post-Soviet Turkmenistan. An illuminating example of this interplay is the commemoration and symbolisation of the Great Patriotic War, which has presented a complex challenge to authorised renditions of Turkmen identity, requiring the country's post-Soviet elites to devise new strategies, symbols and vocabularies to direct and accommodate, somewhat ineffectually, popular remembrance practices and the fleeting public visibility of the country's ethnic Russian minority.
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