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| 1 |
ID:
103589
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relationship between strategic culture and defence policies has not yet been much explored. Australia and New Zealand provide some evidence of the impact of strategic culture on defence policy. Australia has a dominant strategic culture which is strong enough to prompt both the major political parties to adopt realist defence policies, even though Labor has a traditionally 'idealist' outlook. Until the 1970s, New Zealand had a similar dominant strategic culture which influenced both major political parties, but it was always less strong than Australia's. In recent years, the Labour Party has rejected that culture, and allowed an alternative strategic culture based on its ideology to influence its defence policies. The result has been that on the last two occasions when Labour has been in government, New Zealand's defence policy has changed dramatically.
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| 2 |
ID:
132424
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2014.
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Intelligence professionals called "briefers" provide intelligence information on a daily basis to senior civilian policymakers. Herein is a description of what actually takes place prior to, during, and after the face-to-face interaction. While a body of work exists on presidential briefings, this assessment is unique because it deals with the process of transferring knowledge to policymakers, and specifically from the briefer's perspective. Individuals from the outside, and even intelligence officers or others who have studied intelligence but have not been "briefers," might find some of this material fascinating, yet possibly hard to believe. But those who have been "briefers" will find that this mostly validates their experience."
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| 3 |
ID:
131629
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2014.
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What are the prospects for trilateral concord among Britain, France and Germany in terms of defence policies? Would more institutionalised links among them lead to more convergence of their defence policies? To answer these interrogations, this article investigates the relation between policy convergence and institutionalised cooperation, in particular by studying whether and when one is a prerequisite to the other. First, this article examines the extent to which these countries' defence policies have converged since the end of the cold war based on several indicators: their attitudes towards international forums, their defence budgets, the structure of their armed forces and their willingness to use force. Second, we study each of the bilateral relations between the three states to qualitatively analyse their degree of institutionalisation and the convergence of their defence policies. This article concludes that contrary to the arguments of many discussions, think-tank reports and political actors, there is no evidence that institutionalised cooperation leads to policy convergence as far as defence is concerned.
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| 4 |
ID:
148411
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| Publication |
Noida, HarperCollins Publishers, 2016.
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| Description |
xi, 436p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789351777519
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058866 | 181.44/KAN 058866 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
139894
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| Publication |
California, Department of State Publication, 1967.
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| Description |
vii, 95p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000326 | 954.163/ROS 000326 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
099916
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2010.
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Participation in UN peace operations has increased differences in civil-military relations in South America. Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay have internalized and implemented divergent defence policies, even as they have increased their troop contributions and been involved in similar or identical peacekeeping missions. This is caused not only by the fact that these countries have very different motivations for participating in peace operations; they have also drawn very different lessons from their exposure to peacekeeping.
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| 7 |
ID:
152505
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