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| 1 |
ID:
108530
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recognizing that the broader structure of East Asia's regional order is going to
change, this paper assumes that there are three major factors to drive and facilitate
the East Asian order: (1) An existing security architecture comprised of various
bilateral and multilateral mechanisms; (2) the role of America in adjusting the current
security multilateralism to lead to it remaining cooperative and/or competitive; and
(3) the bilateral relationship of the two powers, the United States and China.
The paper argues that East Asian order has been and will be determined by the
changing state of Sino-U.S. relations. Then it explores what relationship the United
States and China engage in and where it is directed. The next section discusses what
effect the Sino-U.S. relationship has on the security order in East Asia focusing on
the major multilateral security arrangements as seen in Figure 1. To do this, the
two distinct multilateral security mechanisms, the U.S.-Japan-Australia Trilateral
Strategic Dialogue (TSD) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), will be
analyzed. Additionally, as a bridge between the United States and China for security
cooperation, the Korea-China-Japan Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) will be
explored. The future of both Sino-U.S. relations and its relations with the East Asian
security order are dealt with in the conclusion.
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| 2 |
ID:
117384
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THIS YEAR marks 20 years of diplomatic relations between the Russian Federation and the CIS, including Central Asia. We know that our relations have existed for thousands of years, but the past two decades have been an important phase in the latest round of geopolitical development.
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| 3 |
ID:
108209
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| 4 |
ID:
165634
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| Summary/Abstract |
BECAUSE of the suspension until 2009 of the meetings of the United Nations Group of Governmental Experts on Developments in the Field of Information and Telecommunications in the Context of International Security (GGE), more work on information security began to be done at regional level, primarily by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
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| 5 |
ID:
189303
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| Summary/Abstract |
Now in its 21st year, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) finds itself in a period of transition. The organization has successfully completed its first round of expansion, altering the global and regional political landscape. As a result of this expansion, the organization has encountered some functional difficulties that include drafting and implementing important decisions. The SCO's authority in the global arena has thus grown, but coordinating the positions of all members of the organization and seeking consensus is now laborious. The administrative status of the organization's secretariat must be raised and its powers expanded in order to make its operation more effective. This article proposes a rethinking of the decision-making format that reflects the changing correlation of forces within the organization after its expansion, in light of objective difficulties in reaching consensus.
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| 6 |
ID:
100042
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| 7 |
ID:
132421
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russian and Chinese hostility toward the United States
creates a New Cold War, but treating the two adversaries differently can make things break our way. US strategists should pick the bigger long-term threat, Russia or China, and treat it firmly and the smaller one flexibly, avoiding the rigid diplomatic and military policies that prolonged the old Cold War.
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| 8 |
ID:
122301
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the peculiarities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Unlike many more famous international organizations (IOs), the SCO is dominated by micro-agendas that seem to run counter to most of the theoretical literature applicable to IOs. This analysis examines these internal machinations and divergent interests through the theoretical lens, breathing new relevance into the institutional skepticism of Mearsheimer. Consequently, the SCO should not be considered a legitimate IO as traditionally framed. As such, it might be the "Pluto" of IOs that needs renaming and removal from the classification of IOs.
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| 9 |
ID:
116394
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear friends,
Good evening!
I'm delighted to attend the World Peace Forum organized by Tsinghua University and to hold discussions with friends from various countries on the theme of "Win-Win for All: Peace, Security, Reform". I would like to take this opportunity to brief you on the policy and practice of the Chinese army participating in international security cooperation.
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| 10 |
ID:
118611
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan is a land of extreme diversity. Fractured along various fault lines - geographic, ethnic, tribal, linguistic, and sectarian - it would not have emerged as a single unified state but for a "grand bargain" struck between its major communities. And that would not have happened without compelling reasons.
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| 11 |
ID:
180765
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| Summary/Abstract |
JUNE 15, 2021, marks 20 years since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which, in a relatively short period of time, has become one of the most influential multilateral structures in Eurasia.
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| 12 |
ID:
118299
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