| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
102701
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE PAST century has seen a multi-polar world through the end of World War II, a bipolar world through the end of the Cold War and a dissipating unipolar world since. Economic multipolarity is already a reality. And, in military terms, America's unipolar dominance over the air and sea-lanes will not last forever, given the rise of naval powers across Asia. Moreover, the advantages that accrue to terrorists and insurgents, for whom war is a way of life and who kill indiscriminately, have put tremendous strain on the U.S. security establishment. America's prospects for global primacy appear bleak.
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| 2 |
ID:
147843
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| Summary/Abstract |
In May 2015, the Information Office of the State Council published a new white paper on China’s military strategy stating that “overseas interests [had become] an imminent issue.” Accordingly, China has embarked on a build-up aimed at making itself into a “sea power,” mainly in the Indo-Pacific region, in order to deter a US intervention in Taiwan and to protect its trade in the Indian Ocean. China has acquired a medium-sized aircraft carrier with a tenth of the capability of a US super-carrier and is learning the ropes as fast as the more experienced and poorer Russia did in the early 1990s. As a source of pride to its citizens, China’s aircraft carrier program plays into the hands of the Communist Party to demonstrate its legitimacy and success. And yet, China has not yet tried to challenge the superiority of the US Navy on the “far seas.” With three or four carriers, China will remain a regional navy with global reach leading India, the UK, and France at that level.
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| 3 |
ID:
106889
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| 4 |
ID:
106563
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| 5 |
ID:
170785
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| Summary/Abstract |
China is in the process of becoming an Atlantic naval power, Ryan D Martinson argues. Since 2014, the activities of the Chinese navy in the South Atlantic have evolved from port visits and largely symbolic joint exercises to independent operations at sea. This helps the Chinese navy to gain familiarity with the operating environment, so that it can effectively respond when called on by civilian leaders to protect China’s growing interests in the region. China’s increased naval presence in the South Atlantic may also reflect a shift in Beijing’s strategy for countering perceived threats from the US military in the Western Pacific.
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| 6 |
ID:
184354
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| 7 |
ID:
118121
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| 8 |
ID:
104545
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| 9 |
ID:
111883
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Asia, where nuclear powers already interact (including North Korea), exerts a growing influence on the thinking and policy underlying Russia's current and future nuclear (and overall defense) posture. China's rise is forcing Russia into a greater reliance on strategic offensive weapons and tactical nuclear weapons. These in turn will reinforce its opposition to US missile defenses, not only in Europe but also in Asia. Russia must now entertain the possibility of nuclear use in regional conflicts that would otherwise remain purely conventional. It cannot be postulated blindly that nuclear weapons serve no discernible purpose other than to deter nuclear attacks by other nuclear powers. The strategic equation in Asia and in the Russian Far East convincingly demonstrates the falsity of this approach. Nuclear weapons will be the essential component of Russia's regional defense policy if not of its overall policies - and this also includes contingencies in Europe.
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| 10 |
ID:
177821
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The prospect of U.S. military involvement in a regional war looms large in Chinese naval strategy. This article examines the Chinese Navy’s evolving role in countering U.S. military intervention in a conflict over Chinese-claimed offshore islands. This role has both wartime and peacetime aspects. In peacetime, the PLA Navy serves a deterrence function, demonstrating China’s ability and resolve to fight the U.S. military if the U.S. were to intervene. In wartime, the operations of the PLA Navy would sit at the heart of any maritime campaign, helping to achieve China’s territorial objectives in spite of U.S. involvement.
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| 11 |
ID:
174310
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| Summary/Abstract |
The scale and speed of China’s naval construction bear only one conclusion: Beijing is seeking to erode U.S. naval supremacy. This judgment requires no specialized knowledge of China or access to top secret intelligence. One need only look at the platforms the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) is building and the pace at which it is building them.
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| 12 |
ID:
187189
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| 13 |
ID:
122305
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's first aircraft carrier, LIAONING (CV16) was formally delivered and commissioned in service with PLA navy on 25th September 2012. The ship has been obtained through a nearly complete reconstruction of the depleted hull of the ex-Soviet Navy VARYAG, brought from Ukraine in 1998.
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| 14 |
ID:
133062
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China historically has been a continental rather than a maritime power, despite its more than eleven thousand miles of coastline and more than six thousand islands. It has more often viewed the sea as a potential invasion route for foreign aggressors rather than as a medium for achieving national goals, a tendency that has contributed to the weakness of the Chinese maritime tradition. This attitude had changed by the beginning of the twenty-first century. The remarkable growth of China's economy beginning in the last two decades of the twentieth century, the broadening of Beijing's global political and economic interests, and resolution of almost all border disputes with its many contiguous neighbors have contributed to increased attention to threats to the vital sea lines of communication (SLO Cs) on which China increasingly depends.
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| 15 |
ID:
121640
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the commencement of the new millennium, the increased focus on the modernisation of the Chinese navy as part of the overall Defence Forces modernisation has been a much-debated subject globally. While the advancements in the capacity and the capabilities of the Chinese Navy are quite visible, obvious and of vital importance, the strength of the naval forces alone does not and cannot ensure the rise of a nation to great power status. The sea has to be comprehensively understood and then explored as a medium of immense economic, scientific, political, social and military potential, so as to be a contributory factor in building of the Comprehensive National Power. Seen from this perspective, the modernisation of the Chinese Navy forms but only a subset in the exploitation of the greater maritime domain. The capabilities of the Chinese Navy - the sword arm of the maritime domain - can hence be best leveraged in support of the national aims and objectives if there are Chinese influences, interests and stakes in the greater maritime domain. This paper seeks to investigate the various multi-faceted developments in the larger maritime environment, generally focusing on the Chinese seaboard, though not limited in any manner to the regional level only. With its civilian maritime activities being indicative of maritime presence in all the three Oceans including in the Arctic and the Antarctic, it may well be assumed that Beijing has understood the "Mantra" towards achieving great power status. And the Global community is possibly witness to the implementation of this Chinese path-breaking strategy.
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| 16 |
ID:
100253
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| 17 |
ID:
130434
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| 18 |
ID:
123159
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| 19 |
ID:
106760
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| 20 |
ID:
103108
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