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1 |
ID:
100347
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Publication |
2010.
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Summary/Abstract |
THERE ARE TIMES when the human soul is filled from within with such an overbearing and unassailable feeling of evil and gloom that it requires inhuman power, some extraordinary exploit to overcome it ... This is when the person prone to suicide shouts faint-heartedly: "I don't want to live, and I'm not going to live," while the long sufferer beseeches: "I can't live, but I yearn for Life." This is akin to the Agony in the Garden, when Jesus prayed in such earnest that it was as if great drops of blood were falling to the ground, when he prayed for this cup to pass him by . . . so that the light would not be engulfed by darkness. And not somewhere remote, in far-off galaxies, but right here in the heart, and only then in the galaxies, which, compared with the human heart, are nothing but dust and ashes... "All around me I see treason, cowardice and deceit" are not only the words Emperor Nicholas II used to reproach his contemporaries for forsaking him, they express the agony he felt for them, "for they know not what they do." Had he not felt this agony, the Sovereign's daughter would not have written, "He forgave everyone . . .," which was the message of reconciliation he asked her to give everyone who had remained faithful to him. He also forgave us, only do we really "not know what [we] do ... "? After the toxic gas of the revolutionary propaganda evaporated, after the whole of Soviet historiography had insulted and spit in the face of the royal family, after the archives were opened for public perusal, after the letters, diaries, memoirs, and eye-witness accounts were published, and after we became free to take sober account of the tragedy of the royal family's murder, we suddenly hear from the television screens and from the incompetent historian: "The empress was a idiot." While another philosophizing TV anchorman, primping and preening,
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2 |
ID:
153475
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Summary/Abstract |
DESPITE 100 YEARS that separate us from the time of Nicholas II, his role as the autocratic ruler of Russia's foreign policy remains practically ignored, let alone studied in any detail, by Russian and foreign historiography. In Russia, meanwhile, foreign policy was invariably the prerogative of the man on the throne, Nicholas II being no exception. According to Anatoly Ignatyev, "by law, tradition and convictions he was the sovereign ruler of Russia's foreign policy while he remained on the throne.
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3 |
ID:
032046
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Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1973.
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Description |
viii, 472p.: maps, tableHbk
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Standard Number |
0199130728
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
013436 | 947.072/WES 013436 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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4 |
ID:
132112
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
PRESIDENT BARACK Obama likes to say that America and the world have progressed beyond the unpleasantness of the nineteenth century and, for that matter, much of the rest of human history. He could not be more wrong. And as a result, he is well on the way to repeating some of history's most dangerous mistakes.
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5 |
ID:
189154
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Summary/Abstract |
BY THE start of 1914, Russian political, military, and diplomatic circles considered the situation in Europe extremely precarious. Emperor Nicholas II shared that view. The Balkans continued to be the most sensitive issue in the international situation. An attempt by German leaders to subjugate the Ottoman Army by dispatching its military mission there in November 1913 under General Liman von Sanders, whom the Sultan appointed inspector-general of the Ottoman Army and commander of the Turkish First Army Corps in Constantinople, failed due to Russia's tough position.
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