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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
106751
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
By investigating the transformation of Nanjing's suburban countryside, this paper examines the relationship between the city and its immediate periphery and the political underpinnings of rural-urban integration. It traces the changing status of a suburban village over the last half century from a vegetable-producing collective to a remnant rural settlement in a predominantly urban landscape. Its evolution brings to light the condition of a protracted, incremental and still incomplete urbanization. "Becoming urban" is more complex than the measurable shifts to nonagricultural activities and the urban household registration. This paper discusses how the transition has been shaped by changing national policies on rural-urban relations and local development pressures and demands on rural resources.
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| 2 |
ID:
102107
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| 3 |
ID:
101275
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the relationship between gender and income inequality within and across households in an urban Chinese sample by looking at survey data from 381 married couples with infants born in a Nanjing hospital between 2006 and 2007 and in-depth interviews with a subsample of 80 of these couples. We explore the relationship between family income and differences between husbands' and wives' work preferences. A couple-level quantitative analysis shows that in lower-income families, husbands were more likely than their wives to prefer career advancement and low stress at work, and wives were more likely than their husbands to prefer state jobs. Our analyses of the qualitative subsample show that, even though high-income husbands and wives are more likely to share similar work preferences, the household division of roles within their marriages is still gendered along traditional lines, as it is in the marriages of low-income couples.
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| 4 |
ID:
146077
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on ethnographic data collected in the city of Nanjing, China, the article analyses discursive practices of courtship and marriage in the context of post-Mao and post-Deng economic, social, and legal developments. Informants’ discussions often revolve around the tension between the idea that marriage should be about love and the increasing material demands that prospective grooms face upon marriage in a market-led consumer society. This tension also emerges in media debates on the hedonistic attitude of Ma Nuo, a contestant on the matchmaking programme Feicheng Wurao (If you are the one). Informants, on the other hand, articulate their feelings in terms of family responsibility and pursue marriages that, while based on choice, may also ensure financial stability and parental approval.
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| 5 |
ID:
136293
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| Summary/Abstract |
For a revolution over “culture,” remarkably little has been said about the Cultural Revolution culture itself, and even less about the apolitical, private art produced underground. This article explores this apolitical, private art, arguing that it was a “rebellion of the heart” against the state’s ruthless destruction of the private sphere. Mao’s Party-state drastically fragmented families, moulding socialist subjects through “revolution deep down into the soul.” Paintings of (broken) homes and interiors, flowers, and moonlight articulate lived experiences of the revolution while silently reinventing a private refuge for the body and soul to subsist beyond state control. Defying orthodox revolutionary mass culture, this apolitical art articulated private experience and created a private inner world for a new form of modern subjectivity, while generating community and human solidarity against relentless class struggle and alienation.
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| 6 |
ID:
100504
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholarship on factional warfare during the first two years of the Cultural Revolution has long portrayed a struggle between "conservative" factions that sought to preserve the status quo and "radical" factions that sought to transform it. Recent accounts, however, claim that the axis of political conflict was fundamentally transformed after the fall of civilian governments in early 1967, violating the central tenet of this interpretation. A close examination of Nanjing's abortive power seizure of January 1967 addresses this issue in some depth. The power seizure in fact was a crucial turning point: it removed the defenders of local authorities from the political stage and generated a split between two wings of the rebel movement that overthrew them. The political divisions among former rebel allies intensified and hardened in the course of tortuous negotiations in Beijing that were buffeted by confusing political shifts in the capital. This created a contest that was not between "conservatives" and "radicals" over the restoration of the status quo, but about the respective places of the rival radical factions in restored structures of authority.
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| 7 |
ID:
146678
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| Contents |
This article provides a nuanced understanding of various societal actors who work towards enhancing labour protection in contemporary China, which are labelled as “labour watchdogs”. Based on extensive field research between 2008 and 2012, the authors offer an analysis of labour watchdogs and their activities in Nanjing. Labour watchdogs complement formal enforcement by the labour bureaucracy and the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU); facilitate workers’ bottom-up legal activism; and put pressure on employers directly and indirectly to improve working conditions. This article shows that labour watchdogs have an unintended yet notable complementary effect on labour protection in China, a country that lacks an independent, strong labour movement.
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