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| 1 |
ID:
175869
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| Summary/Abstract |
Article Type: Research essay Purpose— This paper asks how often South Koreans think about North Korea and the ramifications of this attention. Design, Methodology, Approach— An original web survey conducted by Macromill Embrain of 1,111 South Korean asks about frequency of thinking about North Korea as well as other demographic and attitudinal questions Findings— Nearly 40% of respondents had not thought of North Korea at all in the past week, compared to roughly 10% that did every day or every other day. Age positively corresponded with frequency, while views on inter–Korean relations, the North's nuclear program and knowing a North Korean refugee also influenced frequency. Practical Implications— The frequency of South Korean thoughts on North Korea sheds light on perceptions of broader issues in inter–Korean relations. Originality, Value— This is the first study of its kind to address the frequency in which the South Korean public thinks about North Korea.
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| 2 |
ID:
165461
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| Summary/Abstract |
What explains the American public’s support for military conflict with North Korea? Despite increased rhetoric, few analyses address American public opinion or whether priming the public to consider casualties influences their perceptions. The results of an experimental survey design suggest that mentioning the human cost—even without explicit references to American casualties—reduces support for American military action against North Korea but not broader perceptions of North Korea.
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| 3 |
ID:
158537
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| Summary/Abstract |
To what extent do presidential candidates influence voting in mixed member legislative elections? A sizable literature addresses presidential–legislative coattail effects in the American context, with less attention given to this interaction in non-Western democracies. Nor is the role of past voting behavior adequately assessed in the literature. Taiwan's historic 2016 election allows for an analysis of the extent in which the popularity of presidential candidates influences coattail voting in the more complex electoral environment of two-vote mixed legislative systems. Evidence finds that, controlling for partisanship and previous voting behavior, voters who supported a presidential candidate were more likely to also support the party's legislative candidates, although this influence is stronger in regards to Democratic Progressive Party's Tsai Ing-wen.
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| 4 |
ID:
113614
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
New works give us glimpses into North Korea, yet little of this translates to how the government frames issues or sees the outside world. In particular, we know little about Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions. This paper proposes data mining using automated content analysis-computer software to analyzes text-to track trends in North Korean rhetoric. Using daily news reports from the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) for 2010 provides an empirical basis for making claims on how Pyongyang attempts to frame nuclear issues. This paper suggests that North Korea largely identifies nuclear issues with the United States in contrast to the other parties in the Six Party talks. Furthermore, references to nuclear issues, as well as to Kim Jong Un, are remarkably absent during the two major military actions of 2010 (the Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong island).
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| 5 |
ID:
192850
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| Summary/Abstract |
How does Russia’s invasion of Ukraine affect Taiwanese perceptions about their own defense? Despite frequent comparisons of the war in Ukraine with a potential invasion of Taiwan, existing analyses do not directly measure Taiwanese public perceptions of a linkage. Using survey data from the Taiwan Institute for Governance and Communication Research, we identify not only the extent of concern about the war but also how this corresponds to worries about a Chinese invasion, confidence in Taiwan’s ability to win such a war, and belief about US defensive commitments to Taiwan.
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| 6 |
ID:
135786
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses the effects of the mixed system used for the last three elections in Lesotho (2002, 2007 and 2012), a small African country with a turbulent history regarding opposition acceptance of elections. The decision to implement a mixed system was in part to encourage democratic stability, yet whether the electoral system has become more conducive to democratic competition is unclear. Through an analysis of national and district-level results, this paper addresses the following questions. First, at the district level, is competition consistent with Duverger’s law or the contamination thesis and is a progression over time evident? Second, does the population size of a district influence the number of candidates and the concentration of votes? Finally, following recent research on detecting electoral fraud, this paper tackles whether the reports of district results suggest extra-institutional manipulation.
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| 7 |
ID:
135789
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses the effects of the mixed system used for the last three elections in Lesotho (2002, 2007 and 2012), a small African country with a turbulent history regarding opposition acceptance of elections. The decision to implement a mixed system was in part to encourage democratic stability, yet whether the electoral system has become more conducive to democratic competition is unclear. Through an analysis of national and district-level results, this paper addresses the following questions. First, at the district level, is competition consistent with Duverger’s law or the contamination thesis and is a progression over time evident? Second, does the population size of a district influence the number of candidates and the concentration of votes? Finally, following recent research on detecting electoral fraud, this paper tackles whether the reports of district results suggest extra-institutional manipulation
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| 8 |
ID:
159757
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| Summary/Abstract |
Fenno’s Paradox—the preference for one’s own legislator while disliking the legislature as a whole—remains one of the most consistent findings in American politics. This tendency increases the likelihood for incumbents to win reelection, despite being a part of a less popular institution. Little analysis looks at whether Fenno’s Paradox exists outside of the US in other legislative contexts, or whether incumbency itself or partisan identification is the larger influence. Using 2012 survey data from Taiwan, a mixed member system, this analysis examines individual level divergence between preference for a legislator and institutional preference. Consistent with work in American politics, we find a marginal incumbency advantage, but this effect is attenuated by the partisanship of the district legislator.
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| 9 |
ID:
153647
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political unrest in 2014 threatened Lesotho’s newly found democratic stability. Observers focus on educating the public about the electoral system and encouraging pre-election coalition discussions. However, this analysis suggests that such remedies ignore the institutional influences of Lesotho’s electoral system that undermine both public understanding and stability. Furthermore, a statistical analysis of district competition finds the 2015 elections to be largely consistent with previous elections, but that the percentage of rejected ballots correlates with a district victory for the largest party. Although this may simply be a statistical anomaly, the findings highlight structural challenges and reconsideration of electoral reforms.
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| 10 |
ID:
178281
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| Summary/Abstract |
To what extent do supporters of electoral losers and nonvoters maintain lower evaluations of institutions post-election? A sizable literature identifies a divergence in perceptions among winners and losers regarding democratic satisfaction, with few studies extending this to perceptions of other electoral and nonelectoral institutions nor to include nonvoters. The timing of the 2015 Asian Barometer survey in South Korea allows us to identify evaluation prior to Park Geun-Hye’s impeachment scandal. Analysis consistently finds that those who supported the losing presidential candidate in 2012 maintained lower evaluations of institutions, with inconsistent results regarding nonvoters.
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| 11 |
ID:
162423
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| Summary/Abstract |
How does polling information, the polling source, and how it is presented influence strategic voting? Few studies capture at what point individuals become strategic voters or how polling information affects this behavior. Furthermore, strategic voting research in mixed member systems remains largely confined to aggregate district level analyses. This analysis employs an experimental survey implemented in South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan. The results suggest that reminding respondents of the margin of error encourages strategic behavior, while polls originating from partisan sources discourage defection.
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| 12 |
ID:
146821
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| Summary/Abstract |
As publishing demands increase, so does the availability of open access predatory publishing options masquerading as reputable peer-review outlets. This article cautions against the broader consequences of predatory publishing and suggests means to control their influence.
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| 13 |
ID:
121633
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Graduate students seldom know how to navigate the publishing process, yet a growing expectation is that new hires are capable of immediately producing publishable research as well as teaching. Considering the current state of the job market, graduate students should plan early to take advantage of the opportunities to publish early in their graduate career. This article provides suggestions for beginning the publishing process.
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| 14 |
ID:
100977
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| 15 |
ID:
140220
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| Summary/Abstract |
What motivates people to vote strategically? Although a broad literature addresses this question, few studies capture the point at which individuals shift from sincere to strategic voters. Furthermore, the influence of polling information remains debated. The analysis in this article tackles strategic voting with an original embedded experiment in a web survey. Empirical analysis finds that respondents who were told of the margin of error in preelection polls were more likely to vote strategically. This analysis also suggests the limits to strategic voting even in ideal settings.
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| 16 |
ID:
184099
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite decades of research suggesting South Korean public support for unification, changing conceptions of what constitutes the nation along with limited public interest may have shifted unification support. The purpose of this paper is to examine factors influencing support for unification as well as for peaceful coexistence.
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| 17 |
ID:
178275
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| Summary/Abstract |
We ask to what extent opposition to same-sex marriage in South Korea is driven by Protestant identification and how this differs from Catholic and non-Christian views. Furthermore, is there a separate demographic, partisan or ideological influence beyond that captured by religious identity? Analysis of the 2016 Korean General Social Survey (KGSS) data finds not only clear perceptual distinctions between Protestants versus Buddhists and Catholics, but that partisan distinctions endure, even after controlling for the more popular non-LGBT-specific anti-discrimination legislation. In addition, younger and female respondents were more supportive of legalization, while education did not have the same effect as in the broader LGBT literature.
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| 18 |
ID:
144903
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| Summary/Abstract |
North Korea has been regarded as the least likely place to attract foreign investors due to its poor infrastructure, policy reversals, and totalitarian regime. However, the recent growth of Chinese direct investment in North Korea has drawn much attention due to its implications for the North Korean economy and regional stability. This research provides an analytical framework by considering two fundamental issues that any foreign investor takes into account when making an investment decision: property rights protection and profitability. It examines how recent changes have influenced these two issues, which, in turn, shaped the incentive structure of Chinese private investors.
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