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| 1 |
ID:
101721
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Defence diplomacy helps build trust and confidence between nations and facilitates cooperation at political and economic level. This is evident from the growing US-India strategic relationship. Since the end of the Cold War, the US-India relationship has been evolving and "reaching new heights". In this budding relationship, the most visible manifestation is cooperation in the sphere of defence. It is quite apparent from the increasing frequency and scope of bilateral military exercises, seminars, personnel exchanges, high level and unit visits, officer and unit exchanges, as well as the defence technology sales. During President Barack Obama's visit to India in November 2010, both the countries signed about 20 trade deals worth $10 billion which President Obama believed would not only create fifty thousand jobs in the US but would also advance US-India relations. However, given the huge potential that the Indian defence market holds, the common security challenges that the two countries face and the common values, interests and visions that they share, defence diplomacy can play an important role in further strengthening this burgeoning strategic relationship.
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| 2 |
ID:
101727
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| 3 |
ID:
101725
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2011.
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his paper examines the human issues in the entire system that could make the military more effective recognising the military as a sub-system within the larger system, which is created to address the aims of that very system. It asserts that there is no requirement to institute committees or make any more laws to address the human element issues relating to military effectiveness. The existing politico-legal system being adequate, there is no need for 'novel' or 'creative' solutions but only the will to effectively and ruthlessly apply them. It points out that military effectiveness is a tri-partite exercise in cooperation. Sound civil-military relations based on mutual respect and trust, an objective media that investigates both failures and successes of all, and a public that supports the military in its legitimate duty constitute the triad of military effectiveness..
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| 4 |
ID:
101726
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| 5 |
ID:
101718
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2011.
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s the first decade of the 21st century ended, India-Republic of Korea (ROK) relationship has assumed robustness in almost all dimensions - political, cultural and economic. As both countries enter the new year, a new dimension - security and strategic - that began in the preceding decade is likely to be seen in the expanding military cooperation, that began in the closing months of the preceding year. The foundation for such a relationship is already in place as both countries have identified a convergence of interests. Closer military relations will not only strengthen the strategic dimension of the bilateral ties, but it will also yield economic dividends. This will take the form of collaboration in projects, development and production of defence technologies, etc. This paper attempts to identify the areas and scope for expanding this dimension of the relationship and projects the future scenario of the overall bilateral ties. The changing geopolitical environment in the region, the expectations that both will play a stabilising role in a volatile and turbulent Asian region will be examined. The political, economic and cultural dimensions of the bilateral ties are beyond the scope of this paper. The Sino-Indian rivalry and the China factor impacting in the evolution of India-ROK ties will also be discussed.
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| 6 |
ID:
101720
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Southeast Asia, India has been enjoying the historical legacy of the strong influence of the Indic civilization and has been strengthening its linkages through strategic engagement, economic liberalization and Free Trade Agreement with the ASEAN countries. After 1992, India formulated its defence diplomacy in consonance with the 'Look East' policy to safeguard its eastern seaboard and secure its strategic interests in the Indian Ocean region. India's defence diplomacy in Southeast Asia aims to accommodate concerns of its neighbours and wants to project its benign role in the region but, of late, the defence diplomacy has China containment strategy also. However, India needs a structured approach in its strategic planning and defence diplomacy while dealing with Southeast Asian countries.
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| 7 |
ID:
101717
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper provides conceptual and practical aspects of military diplomacy. It examines India's recent efforts in enhancing its military diplomacy vis-Ã vis Chinese military diplomacy conundrum in Asia, especially in South and Southeast Asia. It points out that India's inability to evince trust and goodwill with its neighbours has led to most of them preferring to employ military diplomacy with China as an India-specific countervailing factor. It argues that India's military diplomacy is yet to catch up with its rising power status. With the security situation in South Asia as well as the larger neighbourhood constantly fluctuating, India should focus on re-inventing the basket of military diplomacy. It concludes by stating that nations that evolve and adopt a sound approach to military diplomacy can expect to enjoy a benign, if not completely safe, security environment.
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| 8 |
ID:
101722
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is an exploration of the effectiveness of defence cooperation as a means of preventive diplomacy. The paper begins by suggesting that both defence cooperation and preventive diplomacy are concepts rooted in cooperative security. For the purposes of this paper, cooperative security is understood as an overarching concept that comprises alliances, collective security and preventive action. The fundamental claim of the article is that defence cooperation has more to offer than its own immediate benefits. The paper discusses how that value can be exploited towards a larger project of preventive diplomacy. As an illustration of these possibilities, the Indian experience of defence cooperation in the context of South Asia is also discussed.
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| 9 |
ID:
101723
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The year 2010 commemorated ten years of the adoption of Resolution 1325 by the UNSC but the commemoration is without celebration. The apparent dissonance between the policy and the practice of the Resolution 1325 renders it inappropriate. This paper reviews the evolution of gender perspective in UN peacekeeping operations and assesses the gains and failures of the Resolution 1325 in gender balancing, recruitment and retention of women in the security sector. This assessment would indicate why the celebration is missing, primarily because through the decade, the progress in gender mainstreaming in the scope and breadth of peacekeeping missions, as reflected by statistical data, has been dismal
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| 10 |
ID:
101724
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2011.
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This paper makes an attempt to analyse and evaluate the US Department of Defence Acquisition System by highlighting the relationship of the requirements generation and budgeting process, the key actors, the major phases in an acquisition programme, and the major categories of acquisitions. It argues that the Department of Defence Acquisition System represents an ever evolving system-of-systems that attempts to translate Warfighter requirements into actual developed, purchased and fielded systems. While none of the key stakeholders seems particularly happy with its performance, it nevertheless incorporates a number of valuable practices that might be worthy of emulation. It states that recent reforms point to the importance of better cost estimation; high-level consolidated advisory expertise on cost estimation, developmental test & evaluation, and systems engineering; greater influence by combatant commanders; development of the professional acquisition workforce; and greater use of rapid acquisition
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| 11 |
ID:
101719
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2011.
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The defence diplomacy of the United States in the midst of the current war against terror in Afghanistan is designed towards ending the US military operations without ceding total authority to the Taliban. The US-led international coalition of forces, that include NATO forces, have failed to crush the Taliban. On the other hand, Taliban have been unable to force the external forces to quit Afghanistan. The US does not want to quit without the assurance that no second 9/11 takes place. Simultaneously, the cost of war is increasingly becoming prohibitive especially when the country is in the midst of a hard recession. Washington's war and diplomacy in Afghanistan is currently at a crossroads. This article examines and analyses US defence diplomacy in the region to resolve the Afghan tangle.
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