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| 1 |
ID:
101989
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
WHAT DEFINITION would best reveal the nature of relationships existing today between the national economies in the ASEAN area? To our mind, it would be best to refer to regional economic cooperation between Southeast Asian countries and acknowledge its growing intensity and attractiveness for the participants.
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| 2 |
ID:
131893
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| 3 |
ID:
126810
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The struggle over East Jerusalem between Israelis and Palestinians, as everyone would agree, is tied to a larger issue. The bottom layer is the creation of a genuine Palestinian state - a state that is both fully sovereign and viable. The viability requirement implies that the Palestinian state, existing alongside Israel, has to meet the test of contiguity. This means, among other things, that the present fragmentation of the West Bank has to be undone. It follows that the present-day dismemberment of that territory into fragments and sectors should be done away with. All roads coming from and leading to every place should be accessible to all inhabitants; all roadblocks, manned or unmanned, should be removed and the separation wall should be taken down, as it splits up Palestinian land, and the West Bank and the Gaza Strip need to be connected by tunnels. All of this falls under the heading of contiguity, hence, viability.
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| 4 |
ID:
126814
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Marco Allegra (marco.allegra@unito.it) is a research fellow in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Torino and is currently working on a research project on Ma `ale Adumim. The preliminary results of this research have been presented at the Exeter Center for Ethno- Political Studies (EXCEPS) International Conference (Exeter, June 2 7-30, 2010) and at the panel "The Territorial Management of Ethnic Conflict in the Middle East" held at the World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies (WOCMES) (Barcelona, July 19-24, 2010).
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| 5 |
ID:
131637
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previously in this journal, Gunter Schubert's article, entitled 'One-party rule and the question of legitimacy in contemporary China', called for the setting up of a new research agenda to analyze the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). While making a valuable contribution to the study of the CCP's legitimacy, Schubert's emphasis on the empirical measurement of this concept gives rise to a number of conceptual and theoretical issues. As a consequence, this article seeks to contribute to the research agenda by addressing these issues. In so doing, it suggests that a shift away from a narrow empirically-measured focus on legitimacy towards a broader conceptually-driven concern with legitimation would allow for a more inclusive agenda within the China studies community and lead to a more complete understanding of why the CCP remains in power.
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| 6 |
ID:
133726
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines non-legislative avenues for parliamentary influence and legitimacy in the Pan-African Parliament (PAP). It argues for an incremental approach to increasing the powers of the PAP. To make this case, the paper first expounds on the composite nature of regional parliaments, showing the convergence of complex political and institutional issues that make Regional Parliamentary Assemblies unique parliamentary entities. Given the unsuccessful attempt by the PAP to increase its legislative powers through an amendment of its protocol, the aim is to make an alternative argument for legislative powers by locating the legal and institutional legitimacy and influence drivers for the PAP.
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| 7 |
ID:
132738
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
We collected original experimental data, using the matched-guise technique, to examine the Taiwanese people's evaluational reactions to two major spoken languages in contemporary Taiwan: Mandarin and Taiwanese. Taking advantage of the effectiveness of the experimental technique in controlling for possible unobserved confounding variables, we clearly and systematically demonstrate that (1) language stereotypes do exist in today's Taiwan, and (2) there are some serious and significant implications for Taiwan's public opinion and democratic politics. Our data show that such language stereotypes are of great salience and consistently decoded for political issues, less so for socioeconomic issues, and almost insignificant for personality features. Our data also confirm that these language stereotypes are not just proxies of Taiwan's regional divisions; the Taiwanese people cognitively differentiate between the spoken languages' political and socioeconomic implications (despite some mild halo effect between the two).
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| 8 |
ID:
127779
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Congress elections are an important part of political-legal studies in China. The literature has covered the direct election process, voters' attitudes and behaviors, and Party-congress-government relations in Chinese elections. Based on on-site observations, interviews and first-hand documents, this article explores the process of indirect elections at the municipal level. This article examines the interaction among institutions taking part in the municipal congress elections. It also addresses how the social structure changes affect congress elections and deputy compositions. It reveals that an implicit function of the congress election is to co-opt new social groups and interests into the establishment. Such co-option is an adaptive strategy of the Party state in the reform era.
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| 9 |
ID:
120448
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The campaigns for the abolition of slavery in the British Empire, spanning over 40 years, represented one of the major political issues of the late Enlightenment, and drew in people of all backgrounds. The very idea of humanity was at stake and this was an issue of broad-based concern. For the abolitionists, the humanity of black slaves was not in doubt, it was the actions of a society who condoned the practice, active or passive, that they saw as inhuman. Against this backdrop, Enlightenment thinkers were working on theories of justice, rights and humanity which would have an enduring influence on politics, society and academic thought for hundreds of years to come. This article addresses this historical context which, it is argued, is vital in reading, interpreting and applying Enlightenment thought in international relations today. The article presents primary and secondary historical evidence to this end and proposes that Spivak's conceptualization of 'sanctioned ignorance' offers much for understanding how it can be that European political thought has been so divorced from the context of slavery, from whence it emerged.
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| 10 |
ID:
124329
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The second term of the Obama administration will doubtless see efforts by the United States to move forward its nuclear arms control and disarmament agenda, especially with Russia. However, there is no certainty of accomplishment in this regard, and much depends upon the political chemistry between a reelected U.S. President Barack Obama and a re-reelected Russian President Vladimir Putin after 2012.1 This discussion considers the political setting and military options for post-New START strategic nuclear arms reductions, as well as other military-strategic and political issues within which U.S., Russian, and NATO nuclear arms control options are embedded.
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| 11 |
ID:
130227
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2014.
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The Associated Press (AP) reported on 8 November 2005 that, as part of post-11 September 2001 (9/11) United States intelligence reform efforts, the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) had established the Open Source Center (OSC). 1 Then-Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), former Florida congressman Porter Goss, described the OSC as a "major strategic initiative and commitment to the value we place on openly available information." 2 Challenging Goss's statement of commitment, the AP asserted that the OSC had actually been created, in part, in order to "elevate a brand of information [open source] that's long been a stepchild in the U.S. spy community." 3 Directed to "collect and study information that's publicly available around the world, including media reports, Internet postings and even T-shirts in Southeast Asia," 4 the OSC described itself as "the US Government's premier provider of foreign open source intelligence." 5 Visitors to the OpenSource.gov Website were told that the OSC offered authorized government employees and contractors "information on foreign political, military, economic, and technical issues beyond the usual media from an ever expanding universe of open sources
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| 12 |
ID:
171104
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Ever since the United States assumed, on behalf of the West, a leadership it had earned the old-fashioned way- one war at a time- its main European partners have questioned its goals, methods, and even its values. yet, for both the United States and the states of Europe, the crisis is defferent this time.
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| 13 |
ID:
114806
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a social psychological analysis of the neglected issue of 'intergroup compromise'. We discuss the factors that promote respondents' willingness to compromise with two very different outgroups. We present a framework in which altruistic motivations (such as empathy) and egoistic motivations (such as trust and symbolic threat) act as proximal predictors of compromise, with intergroup contact as a distal predictor. We found that respondents who had more positive contact with homosexuals perceived them to be less threatening, and felt more empathy towards them, and in turn, were more likely to compromise with them on group-specific issues (controlling for the general tendency to compromise). We also found that respondents who had more negative contact with Muslims perceived them to be more threatening, and in turn, were less likely to compromise with them. We discuss these results with reference to recent developments in intergroup relations and the state of public discourse in contemporary Britain, examine their implications for intergroup relations in pluralistic contexts, and make suggestions for future research on willingness to compromise with outgroups.
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| 14 |
ID:
183734
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research analyzes Clinton's decision to not intervene in the Rwandan genocide. The methodology used is a historical analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary source material. Clinton admitted that not intervening in the Rwandan genocide was one of the greatest regrets of his presidency. There was not a substantial amount of domestic support for an intervention into Rwanda and Clinton did not attempt to use his influence to change that disposition. Clinton did not attempt to change domestic sentiments due to his priorities of reduced funding for foreign operations and the avoidance of ‘mission creep.’ The most common fault in the current historiography is the claim that Clinton did not intervene in Rwanda because of the failed mission that had recently occurred in Somalia, which does not align with the available evidence. Upon leaving office, he accepted ownership of his poor decisions and expressed sincere regret.
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| 15 |
ID:
128829
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2013-14.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent debate about the organizational relationship between cyber command and the NSA stress political issues over force employment. This article focuses on the latter, making the case that cyber command should be split from the NSA, because nations that marshal and molilize their cyber power and integrate it into strategy and doctrine will ensure significant national security advantage. Cyber command provides the best route for developing the tactics, technique, and procedures necessary for achieving these goals.
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| 16 |
ID:
128217
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores how the Second World War brought a new breadth to Afghanistani politics despite the fact that the country did not participate in the war. It widened the power struggle between members of the royal family and introduced new players to the scene who, by fighting for their own interests, shaped the course of events. The paper looks at the main political issues which caused division within the ruling class, mobilized the educated classes, and shaped Afghanistani politics. It also examines those players who brought about the new political developments.
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| 17 |
ID:
131859
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to reflect the narrative of discrimination in the writing of Israeli Palestinian women poets through the motif of Silence. This narrative emerges from the analysis and categorization of this motif in some 200 poems, written in Arabic and translated into Hebrew, thus revealing the poets' attitudes to social and political issues. This article shows that the poets' identity is perceived as the marginalized 'other' in Israeli society, not only in terms of nationality and ideology but also in terms of gender.
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| 18 |
ID:
126217
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2013.
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A military doctrine provides the basic principles that shape the way a nation's military forces are employed to achieve national objectives and creates the appropriate framework for response to national security issues. Doctrinal assessments are self-administered and require significant input in both the military and political spheres. The resulting declared doctrine is, thus, a carefully crafted article having been scrutinised at both political and military levels. A doctrine gives a clear insight into the kind of wars/conflicts states may anticipate and choose to deploy/employ the military force. In short, understanding the use, importance and reliance on doctrinal formation is critical to how states weigh military/national capabilities.
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| 19 |
ID:
128077
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2013.
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The United Kingdom's nuclear weapons policy is in flux as the country debates whether to replace its current Trident strategic nuclear weapons system and remain in the nuclear weapons business for another generation. Choices about nuclear weapons are certain to feature in the next general election in May 2015. The debate is deeply political and parochial, but also involves a much broader set of issues related to nuclear deterrence and steps toward nuclear disarmament. Some of this debate came to a head with the publication of the government's "Trident Alternatives Review" in July.[1] This article examines the political issues surrounding the report and sets them in the broader context of deterrence and disarmament.
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| 20 |
ID:
124261
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the most striking voting patterns in many African elections is the marked difference between urban and rural voters in their willingness to support the incumbent. In many countries, incumbents receive their worst electoral scores in the cities, whereas the countryside votes overwhelmingly for them. This pattern is puzzling because there is no evidence that rural areas benefit more from government policies. On the contrary, most governments in Africa exhibit a pro-urban policy bias. Why then do rural voters support incumbents at higher rates? Using evidence from original interviews with politicians in Senegal, coupled with media coverage from several elections, I contend that incumbents enjoy higher success in rural vis-à-vis urban areas because rural voters are more susceptible to clientelism. Tight social structure, cohesion and the prominent role of local patrons facilitate the acquisition of entire blocs of rural voters for the incumbent. These findings are independent of ethnic, religious or party identity.
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