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| 1 |
ID:
101823
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study investigates the history and development of the Anglican Church under the Turkish, British, Jordanian and Israeli regimes. The paper recounts the development of various societies within the Anglican church and their politization, especially in the context of decolonization and the Arab-Israeli conflict over time. Our analysis is strengthened by an examination of the struggle over Church property between the local Arab clergy, the British Church leaders and the Israeli government. We conclude with a discussion of the scope and nature of the political and spatial/legal development of the Anglican Church in Palestine/Israel in the modern era. We stress the unique influence of spatial, political, economic, and political implications, at the local and international levels and situate the history within the general context of the Middle East, colonialism, Church history and local empowerment.
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| 2 |
ID:
101822
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how Turkish citizens participated in protests against the Iraq War and why civil society organizations were able to mobilize tens of thousands of people across the country despite the institutional weakness of the Turkish peace movement. The Iraq War case is important in that its scale and level of protest mobilization were unprecedented based on any other anti-war protests in Turkey. Using content analysis of newspaper reports of anti-Iraq War protest events, this article maps the patterns and forms of protest against the Iraq War and argues for the importance of global networks, coalitions among organizations, and political context for protest mobilization.
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| 3 |
ID:
101824
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Some consider the Emirate of Dubai, within the United Arab Emirates (UAE), a modern Eldorado and blueprint for development. Others question its governance, sustainability and labour practices. Sober judgement of the alternate Dubai narratives stumbles on definitional ambiguities, urban perspective intractability and empirical uncertainty. Definitions of governance and sustainability are particularly contested and presumptions of a universal city blueprint are considered alchemy. Nevertheless, a metaphorical Eldorado is a useful starting point for structured discussion. Acknowledging complexity and data limitations, the paper sketches some likely constituents of a modern Eldorado and then compares it with conditions in the oriental former boomtown. Tentative preliminary indications suggest that Dubai, as many other cities, is overbuilt and unhealthy. Notwithstanding some phantasmagorical projects and scattered architectural icons, disease manifests itself in governance concerns, economic volatility, urban sprawl and social fragmentation. Vectors for disease are excessive regional oil liquidity, constitutional constraints, a narrow commercial focus and institutional limitations. The result: impressive growth is driven by factor accumulation and undermined by overcrowding and pollution. Reforms to the current quasi-feudal modus operandi challenge powerful vested interests in the mercantile Emirate but the global financial crisis could herald beneficial reform.
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| 4 |
ID:
101821
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article seeks to estimate the economic costs that Turkey has incurred in the low-level warfare with the Kurdish separatists since 1984. These costs can be divided into direct costs, which are those that are immediately attributable to the conflict, and indirect costs which are its by-products such as forgone investment, the loss of human capital, capital flight and migration. It is estimated that, until the end of 2005, the total cost was $88.1 billion of which $54.2 billion was direct and $33.9 billion indirect cost. These are not unsubstantial sums for a developing economy. Just with the resources expended directly, Turkey could have finished its historically most ambitious development project, the Southeastern Anatolia project, or it could have built 6,000km of motorways which could criss-cross the country more than twice.
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| 5 |
ID:
101825
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the end of British rule in the Indian sub-continent in 1947 and the establishment of the new state of Pakistan, the traditionally close relations between the Turks and the Indian Muslims were consolidated with the appointment of Turkey's senior poet-diplomat, Yahya Kemal Beyatli, as the first Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey to Pakistan. The ageing Ambassador filled this position for eight months under difficult circumstances until after the death of the founder of Pakistan, Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Based on Yahya Kemal's letters and other available information, the article attempts to capture the atmosphere surrounding Yahya Kemal's sojourn in Karachi.
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| 6 |
ID:
101820
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article deals with Golda Meir, who was a prominent leader of Israel and the Prime Minister during the Yom Kippur War (1973). Its main points are:
Her road towards the national leadership during the "Yishuv" period.
Her political role under David Ben-Gurion and Levi Eshkol as Minister of Labor (1949-1956) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1956-1966)
Meir as political leader: the way she lead her party and how she was a symbol of the national agreement
Meir as diplomatic leader: her attitude during the negotiation attempt with Egypt (The Secretary of the State's Plan - 1970 ; Moshe Dayan's intention to open the Suez Canal - 1971)
Meir as social leader: the strengthening of the welfare - state
Meir during the Yom Kippur War: The War as a result of her policy; Her leadership during the crisis
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| 7 |
ID:
101827
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While Greek and Turkish nationalisms have followed diverse historical paths, they share several features. Following the model of Zimmer, this study explores how inclusive and exclusive boundary mechanisms have shaped Greek and Turkish national identity and which symbolic resources were utilized in these processes. It is argued that a shift from the use of voluntaristic to that of organic boundary mechanisms has characterized both Greek and Turkish nationalisms and influenced the definition of national 'self' and 'other'. This study aims to track a pattern of historic-political conditions which favour a shift from voluntaristic towards organic models of defining the nation and discuss possible future trends.
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| 8 |
ID:
101826
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, the result of qualitative research conducted in Ankara, aims to depict the republican understanding of citizenship from the behaviour patterns and daily practices of citizens and to show how it diverges from various other forms of citizenship understanding. Republican citizenship - the most dominant and hegemonic understanding of citizenship in Turkey - was constituted in the process of foundation of the Turkish Republic as a nation-state. In Turkey's historical experience, this tradition, which is based on civil responsibilities, could not develop sufficiently in terms of individual rights and democratic values. As reflected in the perceptions and practices of citizens, Turkish society is still not very close to a democratic understanding of citizenship that strongly defends human rights, legitimacy of differences, equality between people as well as embodying responsibilities for the society.
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| 9 |
ID:
101819
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article situates the Palestine Liberation Organization in an international network of liberation movements in the 1960s and 1970s. As such, it is a transnational history of the early days of the Palestinian liberation movement, whereas most scholars have treated that movement inside the confines of the long-running Arab-Israeli conflict. By analyzing the intellectual and political linkages between the PLO and other liberation movements in Algeria, Cuba, and Vietnam, the article seeks to reframe the Palestinian struggle in the context of other postcolonial struggles of that era.
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| 10 |
ID:
101818
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article describes how the intention of the Arab League announced in January 1965 to open a development office in the Trucial States resulted in a major crisis for Great Britain's informal empire in the Persian Gulf. It explains why the British Government regarded the Arab League's plan as a significant threat to its interests in the Persian Gulf and describes the strategy the British employed to counter it. The article argues that the British determination to prevent an extension of Arab League influence to the Gulf dominated Great Britain's relations with the rulers of the Trucial States from January to June 1965, and led to the creation of the Trucial States Development Office and eventually the deposition of Shaikh Saqr of Sharjah.
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