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1 |
ID:
124802
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
TWO COMMON PEOPLE - Beshir Sassi, a jobless from Tunisia, and Abdelhamid Gohar, a peasant from Egypt, told me: "We are glad that we had a Revolution. Now we have a lot of freedom and democracy. Nobody can arrest us because of our thoughts which are different from what our rulers think. Life has not become better yet we have become freer - this is the main thing."
This was my strongest impression of people in Tunisia and Egypt I met during the last few weeks on the eve of the second anniversary of the so-called Arab Spring, which had started in January 2011 in Tunisia and spread to Egypt in February 2011.
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2 |
ID:
107107
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
"We are convinced of the necessity to strengthen the tendency for the creation of a polycentric, more equitable and democratic world that relies on the methods of network diplomacy."1
Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation
IN NOVEMBER 2001, Jim O'Neill, head of global economic research group of Goldman Sachs, one of the largest Wall Street investment banks, in his analytical paper suggested to unite, on the strength of certain criteria, Brazil, Russia, India, and China, four larger emerging market economies, into a virtual club which he called BRIC. Its instant success caught everyone unawares even though Karl Marx back in the 19th century had warned that once the idea gripped the masses it became a material force.
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3 |
ID:
163637
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4 |
ID:
110086
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
LATE IN JUNE, the U.S. Congress treated the world to a fight between the Republican and Democratic deputies and the Obama Administration over the debt ceiling. The world responded with different assessments of what it had seen: political struggle; a Hollywood soap opera with an inevitable happy ending; an attempt at rescuing American economy or at blackmailing the world markets; some people suspected that this was an outcrop of the eternal confrontation between the American industrial and financial lobbies.
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5 |
ID:
106111
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6 |
ID:
143739
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Summary/Abstract |
Alexey Podtserob's latest work "Russia and the Arab World"* was not only an instant success (by sheer chance I bought the last copy in the MGIMO bookshop) - it is worthy of our respect. In his highly impressive monograph, the author has gathered a huge amount of information about the history of the relations between Russia and the Arab world based on a thousand and a half sources. This was done by a highly respected scholar who for many years had worked in different countries of the Arab East rising from the lowest diplomatic posts to the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation. The book is not only a scholarly effort but it is also tinted by the author's far from indifferent attitude to the events and problems described by him.
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7 |
ID:
160603
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Summary/Abstract |
ALEXEY VASILIEV, Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS), who has spent his entire professional and academic life studying the Near and Middle East, has published a new book. Over the years, he has traveled extensively in this vast region of the world, first as a correspondent of the Soviet newspaper Pravda and then as director of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and has had numerous meetings with both representatives of Middle Eastern countries and leading Russian Arabists and Orientalists. His latest book is the product of this endeavor.
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8 |
ID:
102828
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
On 25 March, 1975, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, who was called "the most powerful Arab ruler in centuries," the monarch of a country holding a quarter of the planet's oil supplies and home to Mecca and Medina - the two main Muslim sacred places - was receiving a delegation from Kuwait in his palace before television cameras. His nephew Faisal bin Musaid suddenly walked up to him. As the king bent to kiss the young man, the latter pulled out a gun and fired three times. So did the life of an outstanding Saudi monarch tragically end...
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9 |
ID:
143719
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Summary/Abstract |
TURBULENT DEVELOPMENTS in the middle of the second decade of the 21st century have demonstrated a phenomenon that is very significant for Russia and that one would have been somewhat embarrassed to write or talk about in the past but can and should today because the times have changed. Namely, these developments make it clear that Russia has practically no loyal, staunch allies that would firmly take our side in the event of a serious international crisis or - God forbid - a great war. Respectful as we are of our partners in various international organizations, we have to admit that, while they have major economic interests, they would hardly ever want to come up with more serious solidarity. We have it in our blood to help those who have been wronged, but it's different in other places, where one chiefly pursues one's own interest. No offense intended - it's just the way the world runs.
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10 |
ID:
191029
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Summary/Abstract |
FROM an analytical perspective, Russophobia is not all that different from other social phenomena. Like other forms of xenophobia, Russophobia operates on two levels: public fears and state policies. The boundaries between these two levels are often relative, fluid, and subject to change.
The authors suggest that Russophobia is a significant yet specific form of xenophobia, which represents a rejection of something foreign, unfamiliar, and therefore potentially dangerous to the established way of life in a given society. This perceived threat may be viewed as endangering the very existence of the established order of things. As historical experience has shown, xenophobia can arise from a sense of inferiority (either genetically inherited or acquired), stem from a "failed great power" complex that places the blame on a disliked neighboring state (or a perennial geopolitical rival), or emerge from the constant fear of the territorial size and military potential of the "demonized" power, etc...
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11 |
ID:
181372
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12 |
ID:
117405
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
ON SEPTEMBER 25, the regular, 67th Session of the UN General Assembly was opened in New York; its agenda included statements of heads of state and government of 116 countries, as well as their foreign ministers and delegation heads, conferences, meetings and international commissions. Foreign Minister of Serbia Vuk Jeremic presided.
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