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| 1 |
ID:
102787
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the rapid rise of competitive space activities within Asia, this study examines the prospects for increasing international cooperation. After discussing relevant conceptual issues, it surveys the space policies particularly of China, India, Japan, and South Korea and examines the skewed patterns of cooperation seen at the international, regional, and bilateral levels. It then analyzes the historical, technology, and political factors that have impeded, especially regional, space cooperation in Asia to date. The study concludes that expanded regional space cooperation is an unlikely near-term outcome, but the paper also argues that the risks entailed in the current situation are growing and that US policy initiatives could make a difference in helping to lead countries out of this dead-end.
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| 2 |
ID:
102786
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores how China's strategic motivations and calculations have both motivated and constrained its participation in East Asian regional cooperation. It argues that China's participation in regional economic and security cooperation is motivated first of all by the calculation of China's domestic interests to create a peaceful peripheral environment for its economic growth and political stability, particularly its frontier security and prosperity. The realist interests to enhance China's position in power competition with other major players in the region, particularly Japan and US, also play an important part in China's strategic calculation. These interest calculations, however, also set limits on China's participation in regional cooperation. These interest calculations have also shaped China's preference for an informal approach, emphasizing voluntarism and consensus building rather than legally binding resolutions, toward regional cooperation. This soft approach is a major barrier for many regional institutions to move beyond the stage of talking shops to effectively resolve conflicts in the region.
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| 3 |
ID:
102784
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the notion of 'China's exceptionalism' in Africa, a prominent feature in Beijing's current continental and bilateral engagement. 'China's exceptionalism' is understood as a normative modality of engagement that seeks to structure relations such that, though they may remain asymmetrical in economic content they are nonetheless characterised as equal in terms of recognition of economic gains and political standing (mutual respect and political equality). This article considers the burden that the central Chinese government has assumed through its self-construction and mobilisation of a position of exceptionalism and, concurrently, the imperatives that flow from such rhetorical claims of distinctiveness in terms of demonstrating and delivering difference as a means to sustain the unity and coherence of these rhetorical commitments.
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| 4 |
ID:
102792
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that negotiation and accommodation between the state and the media, with the latter having gained more bargaining power, should be considered in assessing the transformation of the Chinese media. It examines the discourses of media professionals on the coverage of the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake to reveal how they seized the opportunity presented by the well-received breakthrough in the coverage of the earthquake to bargain with the state for more autonomy. The purpose of the examination is three-fold. First, what drove the Chinese state media such as CCTV to risk breaking regulations? Secondly, how did the Central Government respond to the media-led breakthrough? Answers to these questions prepare the ground for the final one, and that is, how do media professionals bargain with the state for more autonomy?
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| 5 |
ID:
102796
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Compared with other ethnic groups, Chinese immigrants have a low profile and their voices, contributions, sufferings and needs are not widely recognised. This paper argues that the vulnerability of Chinese migrant workers is related to the poor working conditions in ethnic workplaces and the social isolation they experience, and that these two problems are interwoven. The data were obtained from an empirical survey involving 28 Chinese- and Italian-owned manufacturers in the textile, garment and leather sectors in the Veneto region of northern Italy, selected to enable comparisons to be made between conditions in Chinese-owned and Italian-owned businesses.
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| 6 |
ID:
102785
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies human trafficking and smuggling in China. For more than a decade, Sinologists and observers have already recognized the ever-growing phenomena of human trafficking and smuggling in China. Firstly, this article examines the causes, nature, and impact of human trafficking and smuggling. Secondly, this article pays special attention to the human trade in the two most seriously affected Chinese provinces, namely Fujian and Yunnan. Thirdly, this article discusses the efforts by both the Chinese authorities and NGOs to tackle human trafficking and smuggling. Nevertheless, it concludes that there is still a very long way to go before China can manage these issues. This article is significant because human trafficking involves prolonged exploitation of men, women, and children, which is going to haunt the Chinese for a very long time. While Chinese societies have appeared to become modernized, human trafficking has constituted a 'contemporary form of slavery'.
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| 7 |
ID:
102789
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines recent trends in the evolution of elite Chinese foreign policy discussions about the normative organizing principles that should ground contemporary international politics. It finds that a pragmatic emphasis on sovereignty, albeit as a right which is flexible and far from sacrosanct, still maintains a core position within Chinese thinking in this regard. However, at the same time, a surprising reconstitution of an old world view has begun to take shape in China. More specifically, the tianxia (all-under-heaven) concept has emerged as a new reference point for some Chinese deliberations on the normative structure of international relations. While such a perspective is still of secondary importance within Chinese international relations circles, its emergence suggests that a potentially far-reaching, if still inchoate, reconsideration of international order is underway in China. Moreover, such a development may have broad ranging implications for the security dynamic that takes shape in Asia in the coming years.
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| 8 |
ID:
102783
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Unlike most current academic studies on corruption in China, which focus on the theme of how political, economic and social environments have caused corruption at the macro-level, this paper takes a micro-view. It concentrates on the question of how corruption, notably bribery, takes place between a briber and the bribed. Moreover, it examines what exact role guanxi-practice plays in corrupt exchange and, more importantly, why it constitutes a critical element. Through in-depth case-studies derived from extensive fieldwork, this paper comes to the conclusion that the micro-level operation of corruption in China is not due to some haphazard aggregation of sporadic acts but follows certain rules and codes of conduct, which should be seen as an informal institutional mechanism facilitating the contracting process of corrupt exchange. This paper also demonstrates that guanxi-practice embodies such rules and codes of conduct. Such conduct purports to remove the legal, moral and cognitive barriers impeding the contracting process of corrupt exchange by grafting a corrupt agreement upon a social setting, in which risk of exchange safety is controlled, and moral costs and cognitive dissonance are reduced. Therefore, this paper contends that the causality link between guanxi-practice and corruption is the inverse of the view held by many. It is not that the participants of corruption are compelled to corrupt conduct because of the existence of the guanxi-practice, but on the contrary, these participants adopt guanxi-practice as an alternative operating mechanism that facilitates corruption.
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| 9 |
ID:
102794
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| Publication |
2011.
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China's HIV/AIDS epidemic today is seen by policy-makers primarily as a biomedical problem. Yet according to many researchers this conceptualization of what causes HIV/AIDS epidemics is restricted, focussing on individual behaviour to the exclusion of the broader economic and social determinants. This paper, therefore, illustrates how considering such determinants, including income and gender inequalities, may complement our understanding of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in China. It does so by using two different examples: the development of commercial sex work and long-distance migration patterns.
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| 10 |
ID:
102798
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The cross-Straits relationship has improved greatly since Ma Ying-jeo took over power in Taiwan in May 2008. However, people should not be over-optimistic, because all the positive changes enacted so far are not irreversible. It is important for both sides to seize this opportunity to advance the cross-Straits relationship step-by-step, and when conditions are right, to hold political negotiations and sign a peace agreement to end the status of hostility between them officially, so as to establish a framework for peace and development across the Straits, making the positive changes irreversible. The precondition for the signing of a peace agreement is a consensus on the one-China principle. Beijing has redefined the principle as 'both the Mainland and Taiwan belong to China'. It is close to Taipei's original definition of one-China, which has been defined in the ROC's 'constitution' and other official documents. Both sides should make joint efforts to create conditions for political negotiations.
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