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| 1 |
ID:
102594
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the 17th century Christian missionaries began to arrive to the region of the Ottoman Empire especially to Syria, Lebanon, and the Holy Land, in order to work among the Eastern Christians and among the Muslims, including the religious minorities such as the Druze and the Nusayris/?Alawis. Their main target was to convince them to convert. The American Protestant missionaries were the main missionaries who worked among the Nusayris. Due to their extreme beliefs, the Nusayris were mistreated by the Ottomans, and the region in which they resided was much neglected. The Protestant missionaries took advantage of this opportunity and began to build schools in the region so that Nusayri children could be taught the Bible and be induced to convert. The Ottomans grasped the danger of the missionary activity in the Empire and tried to win the Nusayris back by building schools and mosques to 'Sunnify' them. After 60 years of working amongst the Nusayris the success of the missionaries was very limited.
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| 2 |
ID:
102605
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2011.
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This article examines the migration experiences of women and men under conditions of temporary migration. It has been amply shown that gender is relevant to most aspects of migration. However, despite the fundamental increase in research on gender and migration, a transnational space, where gender matters but which has not bee so thoroughly explored to date, is the experiences of women and men migrants in the migration process, especially under conditions of labour migration in the Gulf States. Focusing on Bangladeshi male and female migrant workers in the UAE, this research sheds light on gender-differentiated patterns of demographic profiles, recruitment and pre-departure costs, working and living experiences, wages, savings, and remittances, health care and leisure activities and reports substantial variation in migration experiences across gender lines.
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| 3 |
ID:
102598
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2011.
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The article draws attention to Canaanism's topicality in the discussion of one-state and two-state solutions to the Israel/Palestine relationship. The first section surveys the Canaanite movement of the 1930s and 1940s. The second section assesses influences issuing from the movement, distinguishing dated tenets from those of current import. The third section explores the continuing effect of Canaanite impulses figuring as neo-Canaanite motives in present-day discourse.
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| 4 |
ID:
102603
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The question of energy security is one of the main concerns for the future of Europe because of the growing dependency of the European countries on third parties, namely Russia, for natural gas. The future of European energy security will be shaped by the EU's dependence on Russia and its ability to find alternative sources of energy as well as multiple routes of transport. Turkey's location between the major energy producers in the Caspian and the major energy consumers in Europe has increased Turkey's potential role as the transit country. The article addresses the Turkish role in the transport of resources from the Caspian region to the European territory. As the Caspian region's resources provide a viable alternative for the EU to diversify its energy suppliers, Turkey emerges as a major hub for energy transport and assumes a greater role in the future of energy security. This article investigates the future challenges to the transport of natural gas into Europe and the role that Turkey will acquire as a transit country, largely replacing Ukraine. The article addresses the following questions: (i) what is Turkey's potential role for energy security in Europe? (ii) what kind of challenges emerge with the increased role for Turkey in European energy routes? (iii) what are the main sources of tension over energy security? The main proposition of the article is that Turkey plays a critical role for the EU's energy security, decreasing its reliance on Russia specifically for the transport of natural gas.
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| 5 |
ID:
102604
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article will explore and analyze the life and times of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb (1834-1898) who was a self-made man who went on to become Iran's first major entrepreneur and the richest man in Iran. He started life in poverty and obscurity and ended his days in wealth and prominence. His rise to social and economic importance was so meteoric that it became the stuff of legends blending the myth and the reality of his life. He was a visionary with progressive ideas beyond his time. His world view was formed partly by his experiences in childhood and early life but beyond that by his own perspicacity. His cosmos was governed by his devotion to and responsibility for his family both nuclear and extended, by his deep religious belief, by patriotism and by the ambition to succeed in business. The article will investigate all of the above.
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| 6 |
ID:
102602
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article critically reviews the current literature on 'Islamic capital' in Turkey. Instead of a culturalist account that primarily focuses on conservative lifestyles and religious orientations of entrepreneurs as the main indicator of class formation, it tries to identify a criterion on which 'Islamic capital' as such can be identified as a separate capital fraction that can pursue a distinct and collective agenda. It discusses the symbiotic relationship between interest-free banks, firms, religious networks and communal linkages in order to understand this peculiar way of capital accumulation in relation to Islamic motifs. It also provides guidelines to understand what the future may hold for this specific capital fraction and assess the explanatory capacity of the term 'Islamic capital' under present conditions.
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| 7 |
ID:
102606
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1957, after abandoning hope of any additional transfer of Arabs from Israel, MAPAI (the largest political party at the time) constructed its Committee for Arab Affairs. During the decade of its existence the Committee laid the foundation and the practical implementations that shaped and determined the discriminated status of Arab citizens in the different systems (economy, culture, education, livelihood, infrastructure) of the State of Israel. This policy, which, practically speaking, excluded the Arab citizens from Israeli society, has not yet changed, even after MAPAI's disappearance from the political scene, to be replaced in power by other parties.
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| 8 |
ID:
102600
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The First World War greatly affected the balance of power in Europe and elsewhere. In the case of Turkey and Germany, diplomatic ties had been cut off in 1918, and afterwards both countries, which in the meantime had switched from monarchies to republics, had to forge a new relationship. This study focuses on the re-establishment of German-Turkish relations in a very delicate process which also depended on international developments.
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| 9 |
ID:
102601
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 1840s Sarantis Archigenes, an Ottoman Greek citizen, wrote a book on political economy called Tasarrufat-i Mulkiye. The book contained both political-economic knowledge and developmentalist policy recommendations for the Ottoman Empire. The emphasis given to human capital, trade and transportation, industrialization and property relations is noteworthy. Since it did not reach large numbers of people, the importance of Tasarrufat-i Mulkiye has not been appreciated. The goal of this article is to provide an account of Archigenes' views on political economy as presented in his long-neglected book. Had the policy makers in the Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century taken Archigenes' views seriously, a sound development strategy could have been formed.
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| 10 |
ID:
102595
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the West's very early flirtations with the modern Near East, and especially in the past 100 years of East-West relations, there has been considerable difficulty in understanding and defining the Middle East, the Arab world, pan-Arabism, Arab nationalism, and Middle Eastern identities in general. The Western impulse of conflating national identity with language, state, and ethnicity - often subsuming Arabic language into Arab ethnicity - has contributed to this misunderstanding and misreading of the region. For, while the Middle East can be accurately referred to by way of the generic 'Arab world' label, the appellation itself is a misleading oversimplification that conceals an inherent diversity and multiplicity of Middle Eastern cultures, ethnicities, languages, and nationalities. And while there is certainly a dominant Arab ethnos, there are also significant numbers of Middle Eastern peoples and nationalities with historical memories and ethno-cultural bonds that challenge the dominant Arabist paradigm. This article proposes a new reading of modern Middle Eastern history and attempts to bring back to the foreground of Middle East Studies the issue of language as a key factor in shaping (and misshaping) the region, with the hope of rediscovering a broader, more honest, and less ideologically tainted discussion on the Middle East and Middle Eastern identities.
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| 11 |
ID:
102597
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Saudi Arabia found itself under an unflattering spotlight in the wake of the events of 9/11, perhaps more than any other country in the Middle East. The fact that 15 of the 19 suicide skyjackers were Saudi citizens provoked an avalanche of criticism in the West as well as in some parts of the Islamic and Arab world against Saudi religious beliefs, rulers, social customs, and school curricula. This article traces the Wahhabi Post-9/11 ideological "self-examination" of relationships with non-Wahhabis. Emphasis will be placed on the current Wahhabi perceptions of the fundamental terms of "other" and "otherness" that are most likely to affect relationships between the Wahhabis and other cultures and religious groups. I argue that post-9/11 Wahhabi Islam acknowledges the problematic nature of its traditional perception of the 'other' and, therefore, is making significant and unprecedented efforts to reformulate and redefine religious doctrines, such as jihad, tolerance, interfaith dialogue and so forth.
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| 12 |
ID:
102599
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has been held that external rents significantly affect the formation of state institutional capacities as constant flows of rents tend to weaken the capacity to regulate, monitor and restructure the economy. This gives rise to the formulation of a question in reverse: would a steady and consistent decline in rents instigate state capacity building? This study argues that the impact of rent decline on capacity building is politically mediated by the institutional features of the ruling regime which determine the extent to which dwindling rents adversely affect the incumbents' chances of political survival. In Mubarak's Egypt, the ruling incumbents could survive with less rent by resorting to more repression and curtailing political participation and could thus evade the cost of state reform. In that setting, cheap regime survival proved to be quite costly for the overall economy.
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