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| 1 |
ID:
103005
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| 2 |
ID:
128227
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The continued incapacity of the central police forces remains an important reason behind persistent failures of India to deal with the challenge posed by violent extremists. Despite past successes, police-led counterinsurgency responses in the country's internal wars remain riddled with problems. Years of experience in being deployed in conflict-affected areas and considerable numerical strength notwithstanding, the central police forces have failed to emerge as able security providers. Decades of neglect, a slow modernisation process, a vacuum in leadership, and recurrent command and control problems continue to hamper building the country's counterterrorism architecture around these men in uniform.
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| 3 |
ID:
115485
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| 4 |
ID:
130471
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Contrary to popular myths and conspiracy theories about Washington's desire to control the Middle East, for the past six decades, U.S. policymakers have usually sought to minimize the United States' involvement there. But the high-stakes nature of American interests in the region -- particularly oil -- and the complexity of the Middle East's problems always seem to draw the United States back in. In spite of himself, U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower was sucked into the Suez crisis in 1956 and the pan-Arabist revolts of the late 1950s. Lyndon Johnson barely lifted a finger to prevent the Six-Day War in 1967. Richard Nixon found himself grudgingly drawn into the region by the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the superpower nuclear crisis it caused. Despite his aggressive image, Ronald Reagan did little in response to repeated attacks in Lebanon and the Persian Gulf by Iran and its proxies. George H. W. Bush came to office hoping to ignore Saddam Hussein, not to go to war with him. And although it is rarely remembered today, George W. Bush was not particularly interested in the Middle East and paid little attention to the region prior to the 9/11 attacks.
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