| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
115603
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For much of Africa's post-cold war history, the question has not been whether humanitarian intervention is a cover-up for big power interests, but why outsiders have been so reluctant to act.
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| 2 |
ID:
179787
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2021.
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| Description |
ix, 168p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789391490157
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060037 | 355.03105492/KUM 060037 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 060038 | 355.03105492/KUM 060038 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
108082
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To understand China's change in position regarding UN peacekeeping, the country's internal debates and policy towards the UN operations in East Timor from 1999 to 2002 comprise an essential case study. Despite its traditional concerns about the sanctity of state sovereignty, China was willing to support and contribute personnel to East Timor peacekeeping missions. This was a result of its growing confidence in addressing regional strategic issues, its development of the 'New Security Concept', which encourages cooperative solutions to strategic issues, and its desire to remake its regional identity to reflect a more conservative and pragmatic approach to regional peacebuilding. This change in policy not only allowed China to become more at ease with UN peacekeeping participation, but also contributed much to the country's Asia-Pacific diplomacy, which increasingly stressed multilateralism and partnership.
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| 4 |
ID:
103028
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| 5 |
ID:
164778
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although China’s active participation in United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations as a personnel contributor has drawn people’s attention, very few have examined under what conditions China sent its personnel in general. This article analyzes 18 cases of China’s participation/nonparticipation during 2003–2017, using such data as UN resolutions, data on trade and security, and other states’ involvement. It reveals that the consideration of economic interests is a better predictor for China’s behavior than China’s concerns over its reputation, the insecurity of places, or mission characteristics. However, in contrast to popular speculations, economic interests are more about the importance of host states as export markets rather than as exporters of resource-related materials. The study also finds that sovereignty issues still wield power over China’s decisions, showing that despite its increasing lenient voting patterns on mission resolutions, its participation behavior tends to remain conservative.
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| 6 |
ID:
106300
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The central focus of this article is to understand the evolution of the Chinese People's Liberation Army's engagement with UN peacekeeping operations in the light of China's military diplomacy. The article underlines that the PLA works as a foreign policy instrument in UN peacekeeping operations and furthers China's foreign policy agenda in many ways.
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| 7 |
ID:
104545
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| 8 |
ID:
104688
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| 9 |
ID:
117785
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| 10 |
ID:
158629
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| 11 |
ID:
157451
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| 12 |
ID:
170560
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2020.
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| Description |
xxiv, 271p.: tables, figures, mapshbk
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| Standard Number |
9789389137453
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059841 | 327.54052/VER 059841 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 059842 | 327.54052/VER 059842 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
190152
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research note extends the Bara and Hultman (2020) study on the effectiveness of non-UN peacekeeping missions in terms of curbing one-sided violence (OSV) against civilians. In particular, we employ two novel instruments to address the two-way causality between the number of non-UN peacekeepers and OSV measures. For each panel year, our instruments involve the interaction between the sum of various designated peacekeepers contributed and the inverse distance between the capitals of contributor and conflict countries. As required, the instrument satisfies the necessary inclusion and exclusion (exogeneity) requirements. The instrument-based results establish a robust reduction in government OSV stemming from the number of non-UN peacekeepers deployed. That reduction also holds for propensity-score matching and the inclusion of UN peacekeepers in the same regression. Non-UN peacekeepers did not have a robust influence on rebel OSV.
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| 14 |
ID:
169237
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| 15 |
ID:
185805
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| 16 |
ID:
133567
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Manoj Kumar Mishra argues that the concept of human security provides a broader framework for a realistic assessment of the contribution of nation-states to international peace and security than human rights. He assesses India's foreign policy as well as its contribution to international peace and security through UN peacekeeping operations and its role in addressing the structural inequalities in the world economic order through the human security perspective
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| 17 |
ID:
137351
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| Summary/Abstract |
Keynote Speech at the Luncheon of the Third World Peace Forum
Executive Vice Foreign Minister Zhang Yesui
Tsinghua University, 21 June 2014
It is a privilege to speak at the luncheon of the Third World Peace Forum.
As I've noticed, China's foreign policy has drawn much attention from the international community as the country continues to grow. Therefore, I wish to take this opportunity to share with you my thoughts on the following questions.
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| 18 |
ID:
151523
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| Summary/Abstract |
There has recently been huge expansion in the availability of systematic data on peacekeeping missions. Data capturing the size and composition of peacekeeping operations has improved in depth and breadth, and is now complemented by a collection of disaggregated and geo-coded data. This means that rather than simply measuring the presence or absence of peacekeeping within a conflict or state, data is now available on a range of more specific indicators such as the location and response to specific peacekeeping events (cf. Dorussen and Ruggeri, this issue). The rapid growth in the range and quality of peacekeeping data has produced new insights, and offers greater opportunities for researchers attempting to analyse a range of policy-relevant questions.
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| 19 |
ID:
154420
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| 20 |
ID:
157830
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| Summary/Abstract |
The post-civil war agreement phase is vulnerable to credible commitment problems, a lack of government capacity to implement, and/or mutual vulnerability to retribution from violating the agreement. This study’s main contribution is to demonstrate the combined utility of mediation and UN peacekeeping. Mediation builds trust and confidence and works with the parties to design an efficacious agreement conducive to, among other features, tamping down post-agreement violence. Peacekeeping stems violence and facilitates the implementation of the agreement. Agreements that are mediated and followed by UN peacekeeping are expected to be more robust in terms of staving off violence. We report the effects of the mediation–peacekeeping interaction using a method correcting for a common misinterpretation of interaction terms. We test logit and hazard models using a sample of full and partial civil war peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011. Controlling for agreement design, democracy, and income per capita, the results indicate mediation and its interaction with peacekeeping reduce the probability of renewed/continuing violence and have a positive impact on agreement duration. We also report brief case study evidence from the 1990s peace process in Guatemala.
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