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| 1 |
ID:
103208
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the context of the rise of radical right-wing parties in most European countries, the enduring absence of a far-right group in the Ukrainian parliament seems paradoxical. However, recent developments, namely the victory of the far-right 'Freedom' Party (All-Ukrainian Union 'Freedom', Vseukrayins'ke ob"ednannya 'Svoboda') in the 2009 Ternopil regional elections seems to attest to the gradual revival of the radical right in Ukraine. The article considers the far-right legacy in Ukraine and the reasons why it failed in the post-Soviet period, and then focuses on the history of the Freedom Party and discusses its prospects at the national level.
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| 2 |
ID:
103211
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates two strongly opposing modes of organisational activity among Russian car drivers in St Petersburg: Freedom of Choice (Svoboda Vybora) is a contentious grassroots association whereas the city district chapter of the All-Russian Society of Car Drivers (Vserossiiskoe Obshchestvo Avtomobilistov) is part of a nationwide Soviet-era organisation collaborating closely with the authorities. The article describes the history, goals and adversaries, organisation and contact networks, and membership and repertoires of action of the two organisations. In the final section, they are compared in order to spell out the variety and specific features of joint action in Russia.
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| 3 |
ID:
103209
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article investigates a critical case from the Bosnian war: the city of Tuzla, whose local government managed both to survive politically in the 1992-1995 war and to maintain its non-nationalist politics. In wartime, new political structures, legacies of the past, pre-existing institutions and networks, resources, and creative policymaking were used both for fostering and for defusing conflict. The article demonstrates that political moderation was difficult to accomplish and sustain, but it proved to be possible. The interplay of elite and grassroots agency reconstituted the political opportunity structure and policymaking was geared towards moderate politics that served to defeat powerful radical nationalist opponents.
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| 4 |
ID:
103213
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the influence of socio-economic discontent on the determination of decision makers to cut subsidies on natural gas for Russian households. The authors outline first the organisation of gas supplies and subsidies, and secondly the relationship between policymaking signals and public opinion concerning the minor price adjustments implemented so far. They then examine previous cases of discontent in other sectors, extrapolating implications for a major increase in gas prices. The conclusion is that Russian policymaking is characterised by a pattern of 'two steps forward, one step back': decision makers are concerned about discontent, but nonetheless they ultimately press on with reform.
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| 5 |
ID:
103207
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article surveys nation-building efforts in post-Soviet Russia. There have been five main nation-building projects reflecting the dominant ways of imagining the 'true' Russian nation but each has been fraught with contradictions and therefore have been unable to easily guide state policies. At the same time, a solution to the Russian nation-building dilemma may be emerging. This solution does not resolve the contradictions associated with each of the nation-building agendas but instead legalises the ambiguous definition of the nation's boundaries in the 1999 law on compatriots and the 2010 amendments to it. The fuzzy definition of compatriots in the law allows Russia to pursue a variety of objectives and to target a variety of groups without solving the contradictions of existing nation-building discourses.
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| 6 |
ID:
103210
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In order to explain why civil war erupted in Tajikistan but not in Uzbekistan this article assesses a range of theories that have sought to explain the occurrence of civil wars. After assessing the strengths and weaknesses of a number of these different existing approaches in the comparative literature, it argues that the eruption of civil war in Tajikistan and its absence in Uzbekistan can be explained by adapting ideas from bargaining theories of war that have been developed in the literature on international relations. It argues that it is important to study the adversaries' perceptions of power in relation to the actions that led to the civil war and how the perceptions of the distribution of power are influenced by structural, process and network-related variables. Consistent with bargaining theories of war, a disparity between the distribution of power and distribution of benefits seems an important factor in the eruption of civil war in Tajikistan.
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