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| 1 |
ID:
103802
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Looking back on Yugoslavia's break-up and the subsequent warfare involving Bosnian Muslims, Croats, Albanians (Kosovars), and Serbs, two constants seem fundamental over the past two decades: Slobodan Milosevic and the ascension of Islam to independent statehood. Most academic and popular accounts, as well as official US and European positions, have placed emphasis on Milosevic's machinations to build Great Serbia, yet in the Serbian narrative itself the rebirth of Islamic power in Bosnia and Kosovo proved fundamental. This essay examines both narratives and concludes with some observations about writing contemporary history and certain risks from a hasty, inadequately prepared foreign policy consensus.
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| 2 |
ID:
122002
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Back in the 1990s, Ivica Dacic, known as 'Little Slobo', was the spokesman who justified strongman Slobodan Milosevic's conquests of neighbouring non-Serbs in the Balkan wars. Aleksandar Vucic, as the information minister of Yugoslav President Milosevic, was the hatchet man for the media who defended the vast ethnic cleansing by paramilitary police of more than 60% of the 90%-majority Albanians living in the Serbian province of Kosovo. Tomislav Nikolic was the deputy leader of the Serbian Radical Party that berated Milosevic for being too soft and not seizing much more contiguous territory for a Greater Serbia; the party's founder, Vojislav Seselj, would shortly report to The Hague for trial on war-crimes charges.
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| 3 |
ID:
127010
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Notwithstanding his premature death, the trial of Slobodan Milosevic is widely hailed as a landmark moment in the development of international criminal law. To many, the trial, in conjunction with the broader record of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), represents the beginning of a new era of global justice characterized by the impending triumph of law over politics. This article dissents from the prevailing consensus by emphasizing the enduring role of imperialist relations in shaping international relations. Without defending Milosevic, we provide a critical reassessment of the ICTY's most celebrated trial. We do so to reveal the manner in which seemingly progressive legal institutions - far from furthering an abstract notion of justice - serve to re-inscribe a violent and highly unequal post-Cold War imperialist world order. Because the ICTY is far from a sui generis experience, we argue that it is critical to take Milosevic seriously in making sense of the nature and implications of global tribunals.
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